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The 23rd-26th of May 2019 European elections represented a long-awaited moment in European politics. Both the pro-Europeans and the Europhobes had high expectations to make the difference in an increasingly tough dispute. Hot topics, accumulated frustrations, dividing values and interests as well as “impossible dilemmas” fuelled the competing discourses in the spring of 2019.
The “artillery” on both sides have had brand new heavy pieces prepared for the fight: president Macron in the pro-EU camp (plus the absence of the meps from the UK), versus the nationalist and Eurosceptic governments that were not in position in 2014, like in Poland and Italy, plus strengthened illiberal platforms in almost all EU countries. As a co-legislator, the European Parliament has also a decisive role in adopting the EU budget and approving the new European Commission so that it is fully involved in profiling the future of the European Union. A massive reorganization of the main parliamentary groups was expected even before the elections, on both sides.
Using the comparative method, this contribution takes into consideration the results of the European elections in several Member States but also the reorganization of the European Parliament and the relations between the groups, which to some extent are even more important than the results themselves.
Basically, two major options competed in the 2019 European elections: the Macron’s plan for the “EU re-foundation” (more Europe) versus the return of competencies and full sovereignty to the national parliaments, that is less Europe. The research question is whether the 2019 European elections and the new European Parliament have relieved or aggravated the crisis of the European Project.