Free access

Tables

1.1 Chechen: Imperfective stem (synthetic forms) 30

1.2 Auxiliaries in Chechen 32

1.3 Addressee-dative pronouns in Chechen 42

2.1 The gender/number agreement prefixes 51

2.2 The tense/aspect system of Standard Dargwa indicative verb forms illustrated with the verb b-at- (pfv) / b-alt- (ipfv) ‘leave, let’ 52

2.3 Stems expressing perfective and imperfective aspect 54

2.4 Person/valency suffixes of the habitual 55

2.5 Person enclitics and the copula-auxiliary in the present tense 56

2.6 The preterite (aorist) of four perfective stems 58

2.7 The resultative of two perfective stems 61

2.8 The experiential of two perfective stems 63

2.9 The present of two imperfective stems 65

2.10 The habitual 66

2.11 The habitual past 68

2.12 The future tense of two perfective verbs 70

2.13 The future-in-the-past 71

2.14 The prospective 72

2.15 The possibilitive 74

2.16 The definite future 76

3.1 Gender markers in Shiri 82

3.2 The clitic predicative marker 83

3.3 The existential verbs 84

3.4 Simple participles and converbs 85

3.5 Personal endings of the Aorist 87

3.6 3rd person endings of the Aorist 87

3.7 Sample paradigm of the Aorist (verb ⸗arqʼ ~ ⸗irqʼ ‘do’) 87

3.8 Inflectional endings of the Resultative 90

3.9 Sample paradigm of the Resultative 90

3.10 Sample paradigm of the Existential Resultative 91

3.11 Personal endings of the Perfect 95

3.12 Negative Perfect paradigm 95

3.13 Sample paradigm of the Perfect 96

3.14 Functions of the perfective paradigms in Dargwa varieties 103

3.15 The Icari Habitual Past 109

3.16 The Kaitag Aorist (PPST1) 110

3.17 The two scenarios of the development of perfective past forms 117

4.1.1 Basic indicative forms of three simplex verbs 123

4.1.2 Basic indicative forms of three complex verbs 123

4.2 Person agreement markers and personal pronouns 125

4.3 The default placement of person markers in basic indicative forms 127

4.4.1 “Retrospective shift” forms in Udi (with the 3sg marker) 128

4.4.2 “Retrospective shift” in Lezgian (verb fin ‘go’) 129

4.4.3 “Retrospective shift” in Agul (verb aq’as ‘do’) 130

4.5 Two variants of negation of indicative forms 149

4.6 Selected properties of the Aorist and the Perfect compared 157

4.7 The structure of perfects/resultatives in the Lezgic languages 159

6.1 The perfect and the past participle series 191

6.2 Overview of the Avar evidentiality system 211

7.1 Verbal stems 216

7.2 Archi moods with some examples from the paradigm of the verb aχas ‘lie down’ (based on Kibrik 1977a) 219

7.3 Formation of the imperative 221

8.1 Archi: Division of labor between the stems 250

8.2 Archi: Formal asymmetries between the perfective and imperfective paradigms 250

8.3 Archi: Patterns of prefixation 251

8.4 Archi: Patterns of infixation 252

8.5 Mehweb: Division of labor between the stems 254

8.6 Mehweb: Formal asymmetries between the perfective and imperfective paradigms 256

8.7 Mehweb: Aspectual stems of the irregular verbs 257

8.8 Mehweb: Asymmetries between the perfective and imperfective paradigms 258

8.9 Khinalug: Examples of various classes of simple verbs in Khinalug 259

8.10 Khinalug: Division of labor between the stems 260

8.11 Khinalug: Agreement slot asymmetry 262

8.12 Summary of the data 263

Figure

1.1 A family tree of Nakh-Daghestanian 2

Map

1.1 The Nakh-Daghestanian languages 18

Table of Contents
Index Card
Metrics

Metrics

All Time Past Year Past 30 Days
Abstract Views 0 0 0
Full Text Views 20 16 0
PDF Downloads 0 0 0
EPUB Downloads 0 0 0
Related Content