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In 2014, Japan’s cabinet approved a significant change to national security policy. Previously barred from using military force, except in cases of self-defence, a constitutional reinterpretation by the cabinet allowed “collective self-defence”—using force to defend itself and its allies. The decision was controversial, considering post-war pacifism is firmly entrenched in Japanese national identity. I analyse how national security has been portrayed in the policymaking process for reinterpreting the Constitution. Meanwhile, since the early 2010s, Japanese society has been rocked by demonstrations opposing this. I explore the rise of a new youth activist movement in response to the proposed legislation. In particular, I argue that new ideologies and strategies appealed to young people in the organising of various protests, focusing on how they interpret the national security discourse and locating these social movements in Japanese post-war peace activism.
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Asahi Shimbun (2015b) “Gakusei demo tokkō no munen kasane namida” (Seeing the students’ protest demonstration, I shed tears, reflecting on the suicide attack during World War II). 23 July.
Asahi Shimbun (2016) “9 jō ‘kaenai’ ga zō, anpohō eikyō ka” (Will not change Article 9, influenced by the security bill legislation?). 1 May.
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IWJ (Independent Web Journal) (2015) “ ‘Azen to shita,’ moto naikaku kanbō fukuchōkanho, Yanagisawa Kyoji shi, shin nichibei gaidorain wo kokuhyō.” (“Surprised,” former assistant chief cabinet secretary Kyoji Yanagisawa criticizes the new US–Japan guideline). 2 May. Available at: http://iwj.co.jp/wj/open/archives/244342 (accessed on 4 July 2015).
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Japanese Federation of Bar Associations (2014) “Tokutei himitsu hogo hō ni hantaishi Tshwane gensoku ni sokushite himitsu hozen hōsei no arikata wo zenmenteki ni saikentō surukoto wo motomeru kaichō seimei” (President’s statement opposing the special secrets bill and calling for a full-scale review on the system for a protection of secrecy law in accordance with the Tshwane Principles). Available at: http://www.nichibenren.or.jp/activity/document/statement/year/2013/131115.html (accessed on 6 July 2015).
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Kyodo News (2016) “18 sai, 19 sai no tōhyō shikō wa jiminto ga 40 % de toppu, minshin wa zensedai yori teichō” (The young aged 18 and 19 preferred LDP, 40 % popular vote, meanwhile, DPJ lost momentum across the generation). Sankei Shimbun, 11 July.
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Mainichi Shimbun (2016) “Naikaku hōsei kyoku, anpohō kessai, 5 gatsu ‘0’ nichi, bunsho zusan kiroku” (On the security bill legislation, the Cabinet Legislation Bureau conducted sloppy management of internal discussion record, bills were even screened and approved on “May 0”). 26 September.
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All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
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Abstract Views | 544 | 65 | 2 |
Full Text Views | 64 | 7 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 78 | 7 | 0 |
In 2014, Japan’s cabinet approved a significant change to national security policy. Previously barred from using military force, except in cases of self-defence, a constitutional reinterpretation by the cabinet allowed “collective self-defence”—using force to defend itself and its allies. The decision was controversial, considering post-war pacifism is firmly entrenched in Japanese national identity. I analyse how national security has been portrayed in the policymaking process for reinterpreting the Constitution. Meanwhile, since the early 2010s, Japanese society has been rocked by demonstrations opposing this. I explore the rise of a new youth activist movement in response to the proposed legislation. In particular, I argue that new ideologies and strategies appealed to young people in the organising of various protests, focusing on how they interpret the national security discourse and locating these social movements in Japanese post-war peace activism.
All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 544 | 65 | 2 |
Full Text Views | 64 | 7 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 78 | 7 | 0 |