The Unkempt Heritage: On the Role of Latin in the Arabic-Islamic Sphere

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As linguistic systems, Latin and Arabic have interacted for centuries. The article at hand aims at analysing the status of the Latin language in the Arab and Arabic-Islamic sphere. Starting out from the observation that Latin-Christian and Arabic-Islamic scholarship dedicated a very different degree of attention to the study of the respective ‘other’ language in the course of the centuries, the article traces the impact of Latin on an emerging Arabic language in Antiquity, provides an overview on the various references to Latin found in works of Arabic-Islamic scholarship produced in the medieval and modern periods, and provides an exhaustive list of Arabic translations of Latin texts. A description of the role played by Latin in the Arabic-speaking world of our times is followed by a discussion of several hypotheses that try to explain why Latin was rarely studied systematically in the Arabic-Islamic sphere before the twentieth century.

Le latin et l’arabe, en tant que systèmes linguistiques, furent en interaction pendant des siècles. Le présent article a pour objectif d’analyser le statut de la langue latine dans le monde arabe et arabo-musulman. Partant de l’observation que les érudits latins chrétiens et arabo-musulmans se consacrèrent à différents degrés à l’étude de la langue de « l’Autre », l’article retrace l’impact du latin sur une langue arabe émergeant dans l’Antiquité, donne un aperçu des références à la langue latine dans les œuvres des érudits arabo-musulmans produites aux époques médiévale et moderne, et fournit une liste exhaustive des traductions des textes latins en arabe. Après avoir esquissé le statut actuel de la langue latine dans le monde arabophone de nos jours, l’article aborde plusieurs hypothèses qui essaient d’expliquer pourquoi le latin n’a guère été un objet d’études systématiques dans le monde arabo-musulman avant le xxe siècle.

This article is in English.


Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies / Revue d'études arabes et islamiques




Ernst-Axel Knauf, “Arabo-Aramaic and ʿArabiyya: From Ancient Arabic to Early Standard Arabic, 200 CE-600 CE”, in The Qurʾān in Context: Historical and Literary Investigations into the Qurʾānic Milieu, eds Angelika Neuwirth, Nicolai Sinai and Michael Marx, Leiden-Boston, Brill (“Texts and studies on the Qurʾān”, 6), 2011, p. 197-254; Anwar G. Chejne, The Arabic Language: Its Role in History, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1969, p. 52-80.


Ibid., p. 185-212.


Marco Zuccato, “Gerbert of Aurillac and a Tenth-Century Jewish Channel for the Transmission of Arabic Science to the West”, Speculum, 80 (2005), p. 742-763.


Cf. Gerard A. Wiegers, “Moriscos and Arabic Studies in Europe”, Al-Qanṭara, 31/2 (2010), p. 604.


Knauf, “Arabo-Aramaic”, p. 204-212.


Ladislav Zgusta, “Die Rolle des Griechischen im römischen Kaiserreich”, in Die Sprachen im Römischen Reich der Kaiserzeit, ed. Günter Neumann and Jürgen Untermann, Köln-Bonn, Rheinland-Habelt (“Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbücher”, 40), 1980, p. 131-5; Haiim B. Rosén, “Die Sprachsituation im römischen Palästina”, in ibid., p. 215.


On this emergence see Knauf, “Arabo-Aramaic”, p. 197-254.


Rosén, “Sprachsituation”, p. 215, 219-220, 238.


Ibid., p. 219-220; Benjamin Isaac, “Latin in Cities of the Roman Near East”, in From Hellenism to Islam: Cultural and Linguistic Change in the Roman Near East, eds Hannah M. Cotton, Robert G. Hoyland, Jonathan J. Price and David J. Wasserstein, Cambridge-New York-Melbourne, Cambridge University Press, 2009, p. 43.


Isaac, “Latin in Cities”, p. 43-72, esp. p. 46, 67-68.


Werner Eck, “The Presence, Role and Significance of Latin in the Epigraphy and Culture of the Roman Near East”, in From Hellenism to Islam, p. 15-42.


Knauf, “Arabo-Aramaic”, p. 230, n. 104, with reference to cis ii 159, an inscription from Rome with one line in Nabatean and three lines in Latin. Also see George Albert Cooke, A Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions: Moabite, Hebrew, Phoenician, Aramaic, Nabataean, Palmyrene, Jewish, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1903, p. 256-257, with reference to cis ii 158, a monolingual Nabatean inscription from Puteoli/Italy.


Irfan Shahîd, “Latin Loanwords”, in Encyclopedia of the Arabic Language and Linguistics, ed. Kees Versteegh, Leiden-Boston, Brill, 2008, iii, p. 6-8.


Cf. Aḥmad ʿItmān, al-Adab al-lātīnī wa-dawruhu l-ḥaḍārī, Cairo, Aegyptus, 1990, p. 247.


Overviews in Chejne, Arabic, p. 52-84; Kees Versteegh, The Arabic Language, New York, Columbia University Press, 1997, p. 23-188; Christian Julien Robin, “Introduction—The Development of Arabic as a Written Language”, in The Development of Arabic as a Written Language, ed. M.C.A. Macdonald, Oxford, Archaeopress (“Proceedings of the seminar for Arabian studies”, 40), 2010, p. 1-4; Christian Julien Robin, “La réforme de l’écriture arabe à l’époque du califat médinois”, Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph, 59 (2006), p. 157-202.


Daniel G. König, Arabic-Islamic Views of the Latin West: Tracing the Emergence of Medieval Europe, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2015, p. 2, 72-113.


Cf. Nikolai Serikoff, “Rūmī and yūnānī: Towards the Understanding of the Greek Language in the Medieval Muslim World”, in East and West in the Crusader States: Context—Contacts—Confrontations, ed. Krijna Nelly Ciggaar, Adelbert Davids and Hermann G.B. Teule, Leuven, Peeters, 1996, p. 169-94.


Cf. König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 77-80, 198-201.


Ḥafṣ b. Albar, Urǧūza, v. 24 (fī l-lisān al-aʿǧamī), 39 (fī l-aʿǧamī), 44 (fī l-aʿǧamī), 50 (fī l-aʿǧamī), 73 (fī l-lisān al-aʿǧami), in Le Psautier mozarabe de Hafs le Goth, ed. and transl. Marie-Thérèse Urvoy, Toulouse, Presses universitaires du Mirail (“Textes”), 1994, p. 15-17. On the date of translation see ibid., p. iv, xvi-xvii.


König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 141-142, 177-185, 334.


Cf. Leon Patrick Harvey, “The Alfonsine School of Translators. Translation from Arabic into Castilian produced under the Patronage of Alfonso the Wise of Castile (1221-1252-1284)”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1 (1977), p. 109-117; Lloyd Kasten, “Alfonso El Sabio and the Thirteenth-Century Spanish Language”, in Emperor of Culture: Alfonso X the Learned of Castile and his Thirteenth-Century Renaissance, ed. Robert Ignatius Burns, Philadelphia, University of Philadelphia Press (“The Middle Ages series”), 1990, p. 33-45; Johannes Kabalek, “Das Kastilische und der alfonsinische Hof. Über Texttraditionen, Sprache und Geschichte”, in Kulturtransfer und Hofgesellschaft im Mittelalter: Wissenskultur am sizilianischen und kastilischen Hof im 13. Jh., ed. Gundula Grebner and Johannes Fried, Berlin, Akademie Verlag, 2008, p. 351-366.


Ibid., i, p. 730.


Ibid., i, p. 292.


Ibid., ii, p. 232. According to Ibn Ḫaldūn, this statement is allegedly based on the Kitāb Hurūšiyūš. However, neither the Kitāb Hurūšiyūš nor the Latin version of Orosius’ Historae adversus paganos contain a similar statement. “Karamunus” may represent a distortion of “Carmenta”, cf. Isidorus Hispalensis, Etymologiarum sive originum libri, ed. Wallace Martin Lindsay, Oxford, E typographeo Clarendoniano (“Scriptorum classicorum bibliotheca Oxoniensis”), 1911; reprint Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1987, lib. i, cap. 1, 3-4: Latina litteras Carmentis nympha prima Italis tradidit. A similar explanation of the origins of the Latin script is provided in ʿAbd al-Qādir’s letter to the French. Cf. Abd el-Kader, Lettre aux Français, transl. René R. Khawam, Paris, Libella, 2011, p. 138: “Karmenès, fils d’Hermes, fils de Zeus-Soleil, fils de Kronos”.


Ibn Ḫaldūn, Taʾrīḫ, i, p. 730-731.


Ibid., ii, p. 149.


Ibid., ii, p. 224.


Ibid., ii, p. 241.


See Yūsuf Rāġib, “La plus ancienne lettre arabe de marchand”, in Documents de l’islam médiéval : Nouvelles perspectives de recherche, ed. Yūsuf Rāġib, Le Caire, Institut français d’archéologie orientale (“Textes arabes et études islamiques”, 29), 1991, p. 1-9, on an Arabic letter probably written around al-Qayrawān in the seventh century on a parchment dating from the fifth century that features a fragment of the Book Exodus in Latin. Compare what Leo Africanus says on this in Johannes Leo, A Geographical Historie of Africa, transl. Iohn Pory, London, Impensis Georg. Bishop, 1600; Amsterdam-New York, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum-Da Capo Press (“English experience, its record in early printed books published in facsimile”, 133), 1969, book i, p. 28-29: “the Arabians, when they first inuaded Africa and especially Barbarie (which was the principall seate of the Africans) founde no letters nor characters there, beside the Latine. [. . .] They have certaine ancient authors, who writ partly in the times of the Arrians and partly before their times, the names of all which are cleane forgotten. [. . .] But when as those which rebelled against the Calipha of Bagdet (as is aforesaid) got the upper hand in Africa, they burnt all the African bookes. For they were of opinion, that the Africans, so long as they had any knowledge of naturall philosophie or of other good artes and sciences, would every day more and more arrogantly contemne the law of Mahumet.”


König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 256-257.


Daniel König, “Übersetzungskontrolle. Regulierung von Übersetzungsvorgängen im lateinisch/romanisch-arabischen Kontext (9.-15. Jahrhundert)”, in Abrahams Erbe: Konkurrenz, Konflikt und Koexistenz der Religionen im europäischen Mittelalter, ed. Klaus Oschema, Ludger Lieb and Johannes Heil, Berlin, de Gruyter (“Das Mittelalter, Perspektiven mediävistischer Forschung. Beihefte”, 2), 2015, p. 478-483.


Ibid., i, p. 215-216 (03/08/1305), p. 220-221 (12/05/1317), p. 236-237 (04/07/1392), p. 248-249 (1427).


Mohamed Tahar Mansouri, “Les milieux marchands européens et la langue arabe au Maghreb médiéval”, in Trames de langues : usages et métissages linguistiques dans l’histoire du Maghreb, ed. Jocelyne Dakhlia, Paris-Tunis, Maisonneuve et Larose-Institut de recherche sur le Maghreb contemporain (“Connaissance du Maghreb”), 2004, p. 283.


Ibn Abī Uṣaybiʿa, ʿUyūn al-anbāʾ, ii, p. 47.


Hayim Y. Sheynin, “Genizah Fragments of an Unknown Arabic-Castilian Glossary”, The Jewish Quarterly Review, 71/3 (1981), p. 151-166.


Ibn Ḫaldūn, Taʾrīḫ, ii, p. 233; al-Qalqašandī, Ṣubḥ al-aʿšā, viii, p. 123; al-Maqrīzī, Kitāb al-Sulūk li-maʿrifat al-mulūk, ed. Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā, Beirut, Dār al-kutub al-ʿilmiyya, 1998, v, p. 178 (ah 787); Ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī, Inbāʾ al-ġamr bi-anbāʾ al-ʿumr, ed. Ḥasan Ḥabašī, Cairo, Laǧnat iḥyāʾ al-turāṯ al-islāmī, 1969, i, p. 301 (ah 787). Note that Bertold Spuler, “Ḳunṣul”, ei2, does not take note of references to the ancient Roman consul, only mentions the medieval Italian consul in passing, and focuses on consular activity in the Ottoman Empire.


Cf. König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 65-68, 83-86.


Al-Suyūṭī, Mutawakkilī, p. 22-23, with short references to the terms al-qisṭ, al-qusṭās, al-ṣirāṭ.


Ibn Ḫaldūn, Taʾrīḫ, i, p. 770-771.


Ibid., i, p. 147; id., The History, i, book 1, chap. 2, p. 43.


Al-Ḫafāǧī, Šifāʾ al-ġalīl, p. 78.


Ibid., p. 173.


Ibid., p. 180, 243.


Ibid., p. 229. It should be noted, however, that the terms “Ifranǧ”, “Ifranǧa”, “Faranǧ” etc. feature already in the earliest extant works of Arabic-Islamic geo-, ethno- and historiography, cf. König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 189-230.


Sonja Brentjes, “Mapmaking in Ottoman Istanbul between 1650 and 1750: A Domain of Painters, Calligraphers or Cartographers?”, in Frontiers of Ottoman Studies, ed. Colin Imber, Keiko Kiyotaki and Rhoads Murphey, London, I.B. Tauris (“Library of Ottoman studies”, 6), 2005, ii, p. 126-132; Emiralioğlu, Geographical Knowledge, p. 149-151.


See the overviews by Heyberger, Les chrétiens du Proche-Orient, p. 338-379; Aurélien Girard, “Entre croisade et politique culturelle au Levant: Rome et l’union des chrétiens syriens (première moitié du xviie siècle)”, in Papato et politica internazionale nella prima età moderna, ed. Maria Antonietta Visceglia, Rome, Viella (“I Libri di Viella”, 153), 2013, p. 419-437.


Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, iv, p. 172-173; Heyberger, Les chrétiens, p. 338-377; Giovanni Pizzorusso, “Tra cultura e missione. La congregazione de Propaganda Fide e le scuole di lingua araba nel XVII secolo”, in Rome et la science moderne entre Renaissance et Lumières, ed. Antonella Romano, Rome, École française de Rome (“Collection de l’École française de Rome”, 403), 2009, p. 121-152; Aurélien Girard, “Des manuels de langue entre mission et érudition orientaliste au XVIIe siècle: les grammaires de l’arabe des Caracciolini”, Studi medievali e moderni, 14/1 (2010), p. 279-296; id., “L’enseignement de l’arabe à Rome au XVIIIe siècle”, in Maghreb-Italie: des passeurs médiévaux à l’orientalisme moderne, XIIe-milieu XXe siècle, ed. Bénoît Grévin, Rome, École française de Rome (“Collection de l’École française de Rome”, 439), 2010, p. 209-234.


Heyberger, Les chrétiens, p. 408-431.


Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, iii, p. 317-321, 325-326; iv, p. 118.


Ibid., iii, p. 336, 341, 501-502; iv, p. 11, 213, 258, 270-271.


Ibid., iii, p. 343 [Arabic-Latin dictionary, transl. Naṣr Allāh Šalaq al-ʿĀqūrī and Ǧibrāʾīl al-Ṣaḥyūnī, in Rome (?), ca 1612-1613]; ibid., iv, p. 218 [Italian-French-Latin-Greek-Arabic dictionary, transl. Jérome Queyrot, in Aleppo, before 1634], p. 177 [Arabic-Latin-Italian dictionary, transl. Dominicus Germanus, approbated by Sarkīs al-Ruzzī and Isḥāq al-Šidrāwī, Rome, 1639], p. 181 [Latin-Arabic-Turkish dictionary, transl. François Courtois, Aleppo, ca 1678-1679], p. 185 [Arabic-Latin glossary of philosophical and theological terms, transl. A.M. Corgiada, Aleppo, 1729].


Ibid., iii, p. 436 [transl. from the Italian by Sarkī l-Ǧamrī, Aleppo, before 1745]


Ibid., iii, p. 337-338 [Cantate Domino, transl. Sarkīs b. Mūsā l-Ruzzī, Rome, 1607-1638]; iv, p. 269 [prohibition to participate in Free Masonry, transl. anonymous, printed Rome, 1794].


Ibid., iii, p. 445, 449 [concerning the Lebanese synod of Luwayza (1736)]; iv, p. 257 [ten encyclicae of pope Leo xiii, anonymous, printed Jerusalem, 1893].


Ibid., iv, p. 183 [Chalcedonense, transl. Franscicus Maria de Salemi, David of St. Charles, Buṭrus Mubārak, Cairo-Rome, ca 1689-1692], p. 269 [Ferrara-Florence, anonymous, Aleppo, 18th cent.]; ibid., iii, p. 398 [Tridentinum, Buṭrus al-Tūlāwī or al-Tūlānī, Aleppo, ca 1720], p. 162 [Constantinople and Nicaea ii, transl. Rufāʾīl al-Ṭūḫī, Rome, 1767-1768]; p. 235 [Jean Cabassut (d. 1685), Notitia Conciliorum S. Ecclesiae, transl. Ǧirmānūs Ādam, 1780, monastery of Zūq Mikāʾīl]; ibid., iii, p. 507 [Latin acts of Maronite synods and related documents, transl. Yūsuf Naǧm, printed Ǧūniya, 1900]; iv, p. 269 [Tridentinum, anonymous, date and place unknown].


Ibid., iv, p. 269 [on Christians of Byzantine rite, place unknown, ca 1730].


Ibid., iii, p. 391; iv, p. 110, 247, 270.


Ibid., iii, p. 287, 343, 416; iv, p. 198, 256, 270.


Ibid., iii, p. 224, 386; iv, p. 222.


Ibid., iii, p. 473 [Giovanni Pietro Pinamonti (d. 1732), Exorcista rite edoctus, seu accurata methodus omne maleficiorum genus probe, ac prudenter curandi, transl. Ignatius Šarābiyya, place unknown, before 1747].


Ibid., iii, p. 225 [anonymous, transl. Sulaymān al-Lāḏiqī, place unknown, 1771].


Ibid., iii, p. 225, 432 [Catechismus Romanus of the Council of Trent, transl. Yaʿqūb Arūtīn, Dionysius Ḥaǧǧār, printed Rome, 1786]; iv, p. 267 [Excerpts from the Catechismus Romanus of the Council of Trent, anonymous, printed Beirut, 1859]; iii, p. 497 [Catechismus Romanus, transl. Yūsuf Ḍāhir al-Bustānī, printed Beirut, 1891]


Ibid., i, p. 136, 198.


Ibid., i, p. 97 [edition of the Congregatio de propaganda fide, Rome, 1671].


Ibid., i, p. 97; iv, p. 161 [transl. Rufāʾīl al-Ṭūḫī, printed Rome, 1752].


Ibid., iii, p. 380 [transl. Buṭrus b. Dūmīṭ b. Maḫlūf].


Ibid., iv, p. 162 [Martyriologium Romanum, transl. Rufāʾīl al-Ṭūḫī, Rome, 1763].


Ibid., iv, p. 266 [anonymous, place unknown, 19th c.].


Ibid., iv, p. 266 [anonymous, place unknown, 19th c.].


Ibid., iii, p. 399 [transl. Buṭrus al-Tūlāwī, Aleppo, ca 1705].


Ibid., iii, p. 399 [Hieronymus, Vita S. Theresiae, transl. Buṭrus al-Tūlāwī, Aleppo, 1720]; iv, p. 249 [excerpts, anonymous, Syria, 18th c.].


Ibid., iv, p. 197.


Ibid., iii, p. 432 [Prodromus ad refutationem Alcorani, transl. Yaʿqūb Arūtīn, Aleppo (?), 1724].


Ibid., iii, p. 431 [Manductio ad conversionem Mahumetorum, transl. Yaʿqūb Arūtūn or Ǧirǧīs b. Amīn, Aleppo (?), 1724].


Ibid., iv, p. 252-253 [Bonaventura Malvasia, Dilucidatio speculi verum monstrantis [. . .], Rome, 1628; Philippo Guadagnoli, Apologia pro christiana religione, Rome, 1637], p. 199 [c, Praecipue objectiones [. . .], Rome, 1679-1680].


Ibid., iv, p. 225 [excerpts from the works of Leonhardus Lessius and Martinus Becanus, transl. Pierre Fromage, place unknown, before 1740].


Ibid., iii, p. 398-399 [anonymous, transl. Buṭrus al-Tulāwī, Aleppo, before 1745].


Ibid., iv, p. 197-198 [Henricus Spondanus (d. 1643), Annales ecclesiastici Caesaris Baronii in epitomen redacti, and Continuationes annalium ecclesiasticorum, transl. Britius de Vienne, Damascus, ca 1644; printed Rome, 1653 and 1671], p. 198 [Britius Viennensis, Annalium sacrorum a creatione mundi ad Christi D.N. incarnationem. Eitome latino-arabica, Rome, 1655], p. 247 [History of the general church councils until the council of Florence, transl. Iohannis Carmelitus, Aleppo, ca 1662]; iii, p. 293 [History of the world from the beginnings to 1805, anonymous, place unknown, early 19th c.].


Ibid., iii, p. 371 [transl. Isṭifān al-Duwayhī, Rome (?), ca 1684].


Ibid., i, p. 333 [Psalm-commentary by Gregory of Nyssa, anonymous, place unknown, 1734], p. 332; iv, p. 161 [homilies, transl. Rufāʾīl al-Ṭūḫī, Rome, 1763-1764].


Daniel G. König, “Augustine and Islam”, in The Oxford Guide to the Historical Reception of Augustine, ed. Karla Pollmann and Willemien Otten, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 146-147.


See Wiegers, “Moriscos”, p. 597, on the basis of Aḥmad b. Qāsim, Nāṣir al-Dīn ʿalā qawm al-kāfirīn, ed. Pieter Sjoerd van Koningsveld, Gerard Albert Wiegers and Qāsim al-Sammarāʾī, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas-Agencia española de cooperación internacional (“Fuentes arábico-hispanas”, 21), 1997, p. 151, who, however, only mentions the translation of a letter in this passage.


Cf. Dalila Morsly, “Histoire externe du français au Maghreb”, in Romanische Sprachgeschichte—Histoire linguistique de la Romania, ed. Gerhard Ernst et al., Berlin-New York, de Gruyter, 2003, i, p. 929-939; see the extensive bibliography under the title “Langue française et contacts de langue en Afrique du Nord : contribution à une bibliographie scientifique”, in Inventaire des usages de la francophonie : nomenclatures et méthodologies, ed. Danièle Latin, Ambroise Queffélec and Jean Tabi-Manga, Montrouge-London-Rome, Éditions John Libbey Eurotext (“Universités francophones”), 1993, p. 433-460.


Cf. Lutz Edzard, “Externe Sprachgeschichte des Italienischen in Libyen und Ostafrika”, in Romanische Sprachgeschichte, i, p. 966-972; Charles Issawi, “European Loan-Words in Contemporary Arabic Writing: A Case Study in Modernization”, Middle Eastern Studies, 3/2 (1967), p. 110-133.


Maurice Poulard, L’enseignement pour les Indigènes en Algérie, Algiers, Imprimerie administrative Gojosso, 1910, p. 169: “Ces indigènes arrivent au lycée, mal préparés, avec une instruction élémentaire bien insuffisante le plus souvent, pour commencer avec fruit l’étude aride du latin, des sciences et de la littérature [. . .]”; cf. Aïssa Kadri, “Histoire du système d’enseignement colonial en Algérie”, in La France et l’Algérie : leçons d’histoire, ed. Frédéric Abécassis, Gilles Boyer and Benoît Falaize, Paris, ens Éditions (“Éducation, histoire, mémoire”), 2007, p. 19-39.


Cf. Sadek Hadjerès, “Mohammed Hadj-Sadok : l’homme et le pédagogue qu’il nous aurait fallu”, Le Quotidien d’Algérie Online edition (16/12/2011), under: (accessed 27/08/15), on the nature of Arabic classes: “Jusque là, les cours d’arabe (enseigné comme langue étrangère) étaient le plus souvent d’un niveau si déprécié que c’était plutôt l’occasion pour nous de les écouter d’une oreille tout en faisant nos devoirs de maths ou apprenant nos leçons en d’autres matières. [. . .] Nous en avions d’autant plus mal au cœur que le climat était tout autre en anglais, allemand ou en latin-grec.”


Chejne, Arabic Language, p. 140-141.


Reid, Cairo University, p. 4.


Ḥusayn, al-Ayyām, p. 455; Ḥusayn, A Passage, p. 114. Cf. Abdelrashid Mahmoudi, Taha Husain’s Education: From Al-Azhar to the Sorbonne, New York, Routledge, 2013, p. 158; Reid, Cairo University, p. 64.


Ahmed Etman, “The Arab Reception of the Classics”, in A Companion to Classical Receptions, ed. Lorna Hardwick and Christopher Stray, Malden-Oxford-Chichester, Wiley-Blackwell (“Blackwell companions to the ancient world”), 2011, p. 143, 147; Reid, Cairo University, p. 111. On the problematic aspects of introducing Latin to the academic curri-culum see Haggai Erlich, Students and University in 20th Century Egyptian Politics, London, Frank Cass & Co., 1989, p. 34, 68.


Cf. Chejne, Arabic Language, p. 158-161.


Cf. Chejne, Arabic Language, p. 113.


Bernard Lewis, “The Muslim Discovery of Europe”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 20/1-3 (1957), p. 411, 415-416; id., The Muslim Discovery of Europe, New York, W.W. Norton, 2001 (reprint of 1982), p. 115, 299-301; id., What Went Wrong? Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response, London, Phoenix, 2002, p. 3-4, 7-8.


Ibid., p. 298.


Lewis, “The Muslim Discovery”, p. 415; id., The Muslim Discovery, p. 81.


Ibid., p. 81.


Cf. König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 20-21, with further literature.


Benjamin Z. Kedar, “On the Origins of the Earliest Laws of Frankish Jerusalem: The Canons of the Council of Nablus, 1120”, Speculum, 74 (1999), p. 310-335; Aslanov, Le français, p. 33-110.


Aslanov, Le français, p. 172-184.


Cf. Averil Cameron, “The Byzantine Reconquest of North Africa and the Impact of Greek Culture”, Graeco-Arabica, 5 (1993), p. 153-165; Michael Brett and Elisabeth Fentress, The Berbers, Oxford, Blackwell, 1996, p. 81-83; Walter E. Kaegi, Muslim Expansion and Byzantine Collapse in North Africa, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 69-91, 268-300.


König, “Übersetzungskontrolle”, p. 478-483.


Mansouri, “Milieux marchands”, p. 283.


Amari, I Diplomi, p. 119. See the evidence compiled in the section “The Limited Diffusion of Andalusian Knowledge on Latin in North Africa”.


Al-Manūnī, “Ẓāhira taʿrībiyya”, p. 329-358.


See the overview in Otto Zwartjes, “al-Andalus”, in Encyclopaedia of the Arabic Language, ed. Kees Versteegh, Leiden, Brill, 2008, i, p. 96-101; cf. David Wasserstein, “The Language Situation in al-Andalus”, in Studies on the Muwaššaḥ and the Kharja, ed. Alan Jones and Richard Hitchcock, Reading, Ithaca (“Oxford Oriental Institute monographs”, 12), 1991, p. 1-15; María Ángeles Gallego García, “The Languages of Medieval Iberia and their Religious Dimension”, Medieval Encounters, 9/1 (2003), p. 107-139; Ángeles Vicente, El proceso de arabización de Alandalús: Un caso medieval de interacción de lenguas, Zaragoza, Inst. de Estudios Islámicos y del Oriente Próximo (“Conocer Alandalús”, 4), 2007, p. 45-82.


Consuelo López-Morillas, “Language and Identity in Late Spanish Islam”, Hispanic Review, 63/2 (1995), p. 193-210; Ottmar Hegyi, “Sprache im Grenzgebiet zwischen Islam und Christentum: Die Aljamiado-Literatur”, in Romania Arabica, p. 325-334; Brian A. Catlos, Muslims of Medieval Latin Christendom, c. 1050-1614, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014, p. 448-451.


Richard Bulliet, The Case for Islamo-Christian Civilization, New York, Columbia University Press, 2004, p. 24-25.


Gérard Troupeau, “Le rôle des syriaques dans la transmission et l’exploitation du patrimoine philosophique et scientifique grec”, Arabica, 38 (1991), p. 1-10; Javier Teixidor, “D’Antioche à Bagdad. Bibliothèques et traductions syriaques”, in Des Alexandries : du livre au texte, ed. Luce Giard and Christian Jacob, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France (“Colloque”), 2001, p. 249-262.


Ibn Ḫaldūn, Taʾrīḫ, i, p. 632-633.


Lewis, “The Muslim Discovery”, p. 415.


Mayte Penelas, “A Possible Author of the Arabic Translation of Orosius’ Historiae”, al-Masāq, 13 (2001), p. 113-135; Hans Daiber, “Weltgeschichte als Unheilsgeschichte: Die arabische Übersetzung von Orosius’ Historiae adversus paganos als Warnung an die Muslime”, in Christlicher Norden-Muslimischer Süden: Ansprüche und Wirklichkeiten von Christen, Juden und Muslimen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter, ed. Matthias Tischler and Alexander Fidora, Münster, Aschendorff (“Erudiri Sapientia”, 7), 2011, p. 191-199.


König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 50-52, 84-86, 134-141, 161-170, 182-184.


Cf. Maḥmūd Makkī, “Ensayo sobre las aportactiones orientales en la España musulmana”, Revista del instituto egipcio de estudios islámicos en Madrid, 9-10 (1961-1962), p. 65-92; ʿAbd al-Wāḥid Ḏū l-Nūn Ṭaha, Našʾat al-tadwīn al-tārīḫī fī l-Andalus, Baghdad, Dār al-šuʾūn al-ṯaqāfiyya l-ʿāmma, 1988; Maribel Fierro, “Entre Bagdad y Córdoba. Centro y perifería en el mundo del saber islámico (siglos III/IX-VI/XII)”, in Iraq y al-Andalus : Oriente en el Occidente islámico, ed. Salvador Peña Martín, Almería, Fundación Ibn Tufayl (“Estudios andalusíes”, 2), 2009, p. 63-90.


König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 51, 168.


Cf. König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 50-52, 84-86, 134-141, 161-170, 182-184.


Maribel Fierro, “Christian Success and Muslim Fear in Andalusī Writings during the Almoravid and Almohad Periods”, in Dhimmis and Others: Jews and Christians and the Classical World of Islam, ed. Uri Rubin and David J. Wasserstein, Winona Lake, Eisenbrauns (“Israel Oriental Studies: annual publication of the Faculty of humanities, Tel-Aviv university”, 17), 1997, p. 155-178; Pascal Buresi, “La réaction idéologique almoravide et almohade à l’expansion occidentale dans la péninsule Ibérique (fin XIe-mi XIIIe siècles)”, Actes des congrès de la société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur public, 33 (2003), p. 229-241; María Viguera Molins, “Réactions des Andalusiens face à la conquête chrétienne”, Actes des congrès de la société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur public, 33 (2003), p. 243-251.


König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 182-184.


Ibid., p. 141-142, 177-182.


Gallego García, “Languages”, p. 111-113.


Ibn al-Ḫaṭīb, Aʿmāl al-aʿlām, p. 322-325, 330, 332.


Gabriel Martínez-Gros, “L’histoire de l’Espagne chrétienne dans le ‘Kitab al-ibar’ d’Ibn Khaldun”, in Balaguer, 1105. Cruïlla de civilitzacions, ed. Flocel Sabaté and Maribel Pedrol, Lleida, Pagès (“Aurembiaix d’Urgell”), 2007, p. 82; König, Arabic-Islamic Views, p. 318.


Lewis, The Muslim Discovery, p. 298; cf. Walter Berschin, Griechisch-lateinisches Mittelalter: Von Hieronymus zu Nikolaus von Kues, Bern-Munich, A. Francke, 1980, p. 31-58.


Cf. Chejne, Arabic Language, p. 3-24.


Versteegh, Arabic Language, p. 58-59.


Grévin, Le parchemin des cieux, p. 38-39; Bert G. Fragner, Die ‘Persophonie’: Regionalität, Identität und Sprachkontakt in der Geschichte Asiens, Berlin, Das Arabische Buch (“ANOR”, 5), 1999.


Ibn Ḫaldūn, Taʾrīḫ, i, p. 770-771; al-Maqqarī, Nafḥ al-ṭīb, i, p. 221-222.


Charles Burnett, “Antioch as a Link Between Arabic and Latin Culture in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries”, in Occident et Proche-Orient : contacts scientifiques au temps des Croisades, ed. Isabelle Draelants, Anne Tihon and Baudouin van den Abeele, Turnhout, Brepols (“Réminisciences”, 5), 2000, p. 38-39.


Dakhlia, Lingua, p. 97.


Kintzinger and König, “Arabisch-islamisches Erbe”, p. 236-237.


Taymūr, Muškilāt al-luġa l-ʿarabiyya, p. 1-13.


Ḥusayn, Mustaqbal al-ṯaqāfa, p. 172, 176 (quote), 177; cf. Reid, Cairo University, p. 111.


Ḥamza Šiḥāta, al-ʿAlāqāt al-siyāsiyya, p. 346.


ʿItmān, al-Adab al-lātīnī, p. 247.


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