Scholars have long relied on a limited set of Arabic sources, particularly geographies, to reconstruct the history and beliefs of the Barġawāṭa, a Berber group of the Atlantic coast with an indigenous prophetic legacy and a ‘Qurʾān’ in the local language. The present article revisits these texts, arguing that they must be understood as two distinct veins of tradition: an early account by Ibn Ḥawqal and a separate presentation by al-Bakrī that became hegemonic. It then builds on the work of Allaoua Amara, who first noted the promise of legal compendia in studying the Barġawāṭa, presenting a set of previously neglected legal rulings from ʿAbd al-Mālik Ibn Ḥabīb that are the earliest known source on the Barġawāṭa and cast a critical, independent light on the movement’s origins and practices. Finally, it reconsiders the historiography of the Barġawāṭan faith, arguing that it was an early indigenous conversation with the new religious grammar of Islam rather than a later ‘decolonial’ rejection of the conqueror’s faith.
Les chercheurs se sont longtemps appuyés sur un ensemble limité de sources arabes, en particulier des géographies, pour reconstruire l’histoire et les croyances des Barġawāṭa, un groupe berbère de la côte atlantique avec un héritage prophétique indigène et un “Qurʾān” dans la langue locale. Le présent article revient sur ces textes, en soutenant qu’ils doivent être compris comme deux veines distinctes de la tradition : un premier récit d’Ibn Ḥawqal et une présentation distincte d’al-Bakrī qui est devenue hégémonique. Il s’appuie ensuite sur le travail d’Allaoua Amara, qui a d’abord noté le caractère prometteur des recueils juridiques dans l’étude de la Barġawāṭa, en présentant un ensemble de décisions juridiques précédemment négligées de ʿAbd al-Mālik Ibn Ḥabīb qui sont la plus ancienne source connue sur la Barġawāṭa et qui jettent une lumière critique et indépendante sur les origines et les pratiques du mouvement. Enfin il reconsidère l’historiographie de la foi des Barġawāṭa, en soutenant qu’il s’agissait d’une conversation indigène précoce avec la nouvelle grammaire religieuse de l’islam plutôt que d’un rejet “décolonial” ultérieur de la foi du conquérant.
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Scholars have long relied on a limited set of Arabic sources, particularly geographies, to reconstruct the history and beliefs of the Barġawāṭa, a Berber group of the Atlantic coast with an indigenous prophetic legacy and a ‘Qurʾān’ in the local language. The present article revisits these texts, arguing that they must be understood as two distinct veins of tradition: an early account by Ibn Ḥawqal and a separate presentation by al-Bakrī that became hegemonic. It then builds on the work of Allaoua Amara, who first noted the promise of legal compendia in studying the Barġawāṭa, presenting a set of previously neglected legal rulings from ʿAbd al-Mālik Ibn Ḥabīb that are the earliest known source on the Barġawāṭa and cast a critical, independent light on the movement’s origins and practices. Finally, it reconsiders the historiography of the Barġawāṭan faith, arguing that it was an early indigenous conversation with the new religious grammar of Islam rather than a later ‘decolonial’ rejection of the conqueror’s faith.
Les chercheurs se sont longtemps appuyés sur un ensemble limité de sources arabes, en particulier des géographies, pour reconstruire l’histoire et les croyances des Barġawāṭa, un groupe berbère de la côte atlantique avec un héritage prophétique indigène et un “Qurʾān” dans la langue locale. Le présent article revient sur ces textes, en soutenant qu’ils doivent être compris comme deux veines distinctes de la tradition : un premier récit d’Ibn Ḥawqal et une présentation distincte d’al-Bakrī qui est devenue hégémonique. Il s’appuie ensuite sur le travail d’Allaoua Amara, qui a d’abord noté le caractère prometteur des recueils juridiques dans l’étude de la Barġawāṭa, en présentant un ensemble de décisions juridiques précédemment négligées de ʿAbd al-Mālik Ibn Ḥabīb qui sont la plus ancienne source connue sur la Barġawāṭa et qui jettent une lumière critique et indépendante sur les origines et les pratiques du mouvement. Enfin il reconsidère l’historiographie de la foi des Barġawāṭa, en soutenant qu’il s’agissait d’une conversation indigène précoce avec la nouvelle grammaire religieuse de l’islam plutôt que d’un rejet “décolonial” ultérieur de la foi du conquérant.
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