Within social movement studies, it is often argued that a state’s capabilities of hindering mobilization can be outmanoeuvred through transnational mobilization. The same way, within diaspora studies, it has been suggested that homeland repression can be avoided through diaspora mobilization. In both cases, it is argued, activists outside of the target state may put pressure on it without having to fear its repression. Based on the case of Syrian anti-regime activists in Sweden, this article argues that for activists with roots in the target state, this is not necessarily the case. Through surveillance, intelligence reports and threats against both activists abroad and their families still in the state of origin, the target state may continue to hamper and discourage mobilization abroad. The theoretical idea that so-called domestic opportunity structures are territorially contained is thereby questioned and the article argues that homeland repression across borders may explain why some diaspora groups mobilize in order to draw attention to homeland conditions while others, with clear reasons to do so, refrain from such activities. Based on in-depth interviews with 30 Syrian anti-regime activists in Sweden 2012–2014, the article suggests that a third identity category be added to Earl’s [(2003). “Tanks, Tear Gas, and Taxes: Toward a Theory of Movement Repression.” Sociological Theory 21 (1): 44–68] typology of repression, through the distinction between states repressing within their territorial jurisdiction and states repressing outside of their territorial jurisdiction. Transterritorial repression is a problem not only for the individuals affected but also for the states where they reside, as citizens with roots in certain authoritarian states are effectively discouraged from exercising their constitutional rights.
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All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
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Abstract Views | 593 | 193 | 37 |
Full Text Views | 51 | 11 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 94 | 30 | 0 |
Within social movement studies, it is often argued that a state’s capabilities of hindering mobilization can be outmanoeuvred through transnational mobilization. The same way, within diaspora studies, it has been suggested that homeland repression can be avoided through diaspora mobilization. In both cases, it is argued, activists outside of the target state may put pressure on it without having to fear its repression. Based on the case of Syrian anti-regime activists in Sweden, this article argues that for activists with roots in the target state, this is not necessarily the case. Through surveillance, intelligence reports and threats against both activists abroad and their families still in the state of origin, the target state may continue to hamper and discourage mobilization abroad. The theoretical idea that so-called domestic opportunity structures are territorially contained is thereby questioned and the article argues that homeland repression across borders may explain why some diaspora groups mobilize in order to draw attention to homeland conditions while others, with clear reasons to do so, refrain from such activities. Based on in-depth interviews with 30 Syrian anti-regime activists in Sweden 2012–2014, the article suggests that a third identity category be added to Earl’s [(2003). “Tanks, Tear Gas, and Taxes: Toward a Theory of Movement Repression.” Sociological Theory 21 (1): 44–68] typology of repression, through the distinction between states repressing within their territorial jurisdiction and states repressing outside of their territorial jurisdiction. Transterritorial repression is a problem not only for the individuals affected but also for the states where they reside, as citizens with roots in certain authoritarian states are effectively discouraged from exercising their constitutional rights.
All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 593 | 193 | 37 |
Full Text Views | 51 | 11 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 94 | 30 | 0 |