See G.N. Knoppers, “Reform and Regression: The Chronicler’s presentation of Jehoshaphat,” Biblica 72 (1991), pp. 500–524 (501); P. Abadie, “Le livre des Chroniques comme œuvre littéraire,” Recherches de Science Religieuse 90 (2002), pp. 525–53 (540–41).

 See G.N. Knoppers, “Reform and Regression: The Chronicler’s presentation of Jehoshaphat,” Biblica 72 (1991), pp. 500–524 (501); P. Abadie, “Le livre des Chroniques comme œuvre littéraire,” Recherches de Science Religieuse 90 (2002), pp. 525–53 (540–41).)| false
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 See J.D. Hays, “Has the Narrator Come to Praise Solomon or to Bury Him? Narrative Subtlety in 1 Kings 1–11,” JSOT 28 (2003), pp. 149–74. See also Seibert, Subversive Scribes, pp. 97–154. Seibert concludes: “Some portions of the Solomonic narrative were crafted by (a) clever scribe(s) hoping to disseminate destabilizing messages to (a) restricted audience(s)” (Subversive Scribes, p. 185).

 See J.D. Hays, “Has the Narrator Come to Praise Solomon or to Bury Him? Narrative Subtlety in 1 Kings 1–11,” JSOT 28 (2003), pp. 149–74. See also Seibert, Subversive Scribes, pp. 97–154. Seibert concludes: “Some portions of the Solomonic narrative were crafted by (a) clever scribe(s) hoping to disseminate destabilizing messages to (a) restricted audience(s)” (Subversive Scribes, p. 185).)| false
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 Hays, “Narrative Subtlety in Kings,” p. 154.

 Hays, “Narrative Subtlety in Kings,” p. 154.)| false
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 See J.W. Wright, “The Founding Father: The Structure of the Chronicler’s David Narrative,” JBL 117 (1998), pp. 45–59. According to Wright, “Throughout 1 Chron. 10:1–14:2, the Chronicler emphasizes the legitimacy and due process of David’s rise to power. He (sic) replaces the Machiavellian manipulator of 2 Samuel with a humble king who is the last to acknowledge his kingship” (p. 51).

 See J.W. Wright, “The Founding Father: The Structure of the Chronicler’s David Narrative,” JBL 117 (1998), pp. 45–59. According to Wright, “Throughout 1 Chron. 10:1–14:2, the Chronicler emphasizes the legitimacy and due process of David’s rise to power. He (sic) replaces the Machiavellian manipulator of 2 Samuel with a humble king who is the last to acknowledge his kingship” (p. 51).)| false
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 See W. Riley, King and Cultus in Chronicles: Worship and the Reinterpretation of History (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1993), pp. 53–96. Even the transfer of the land of Kabul to the king of Tyre (1 Kgs 9:10–14), silently criticized in the book of Kings (see Siebert, Subversive scribes, pp. 173–77), is rewritten in 2 Chron. 8:1–2.

 See W. Riley, King and Cultus in Chronicles: Worship and the Reinterpretation of History (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1993), pp. 53–96. Even the transfer of the land of Kabul to the king of Tyre (1 Kgs 9:10–14), silently criticized in the book of Kings (see Siebert, Subversive scribes, pp. 173–77), is rewritten in 2 Chron. 8:1–2.)| false
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 See H.G.M. Williamson, “The Accession of Solomon in the Books of Chronicles,” VT 26 (1976), pp. 351–61 (351, 357). This rehabilitation is justified by the outstanding importance devoted by the Chronicler to the musical worship of Yhwh at the Jerusalem temple. See J.W. Kleinig, The Lord’s Song: The Basis, Function and Significance of Choral Music in Chronicles (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1993), pp. 185–91; P.C. Beentjes, “Psalms and Prayers in the Book of Chronicles,” in B. Becking and E. Peels (eds.), Psalms and Prayers (Leiden: Brill, 2007), p. 9. Such central importance is also expressed in the genealogies. See J.T. Sparks, The Chronicler’s Genealogies: Towards an Understanding of 1 Chronicles 1–9 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008), pp. 35–62.

 See H.G.M. Williamson, “The Accession of Solomon in the Books of Chronicles,” VT 26 (1976), pp. 351–61 (351, 357). This rehabilitation is justified by the outstanding importance devoted by the Chronicler to the musical worship of Yhwh at the Jerusalem temple. See J.W. Kleinig, The Lord’s Song: The Basis, Function and Significance of Choral Music in Chronicles (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1993), pp. 185–91; P.C. Beentjes, “Psalms and Prayers in the Book of Chronicles,” in B. Becking and E. Peels (eds.), Psalms and Prayers (Leiden: Brill, 2007), p. 9. Such central importance is also expressed in the genealogies. See J.T. Sparks, The Chronicler’s Genealogies: Towards an Understanding of 1 Chronicles 1–9 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008), pp. 35–62.)| false
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 See S.J. de Vries, “Temporal Terms as Structural Elements in the Holy-War Tradition,” VT 25 (1975), pp. 80–105 (103–104); G. Von Rad, Holy Wars in Ancient Israel (trans. M.J. Dawn and J.H. Yoder; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), pp. 154–61; R.B. Dillard, 2 Chronicles (Waco: Word Books, 1987), p. 154; Knoppers, “Reform and Regression,” pp. 517–18; G.H. Jones, “From Abijam to Abijah,” ZAW 106 (1994), pp. 420–34 (426).

 See S.J. de Vries, “Temporal Terms as Structural Elements in the Holy-War Tradition,” VT 25 (1975), pp. 80–105 (103–104); G. Von Rad, Holy Wars in Ancient Israel (trans. M.J. Dawn and J.H. Yoder; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), pp. 154–61; R.B. Dillard, 2 Chronicles (Waco: Word Books, 1987), p. 154; Knoppers, “Reform and Regression,” pp. 517–18; G.H. Jones, “From Abijam to Abijah,” ZAW 106 (1994), pp. 420–34 (426). )| false
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 See S.T. de Vries, 1 and 2 Chronicles (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), p. 324. R. Kasher assumes that the wars related in 2 Chron. 13:3–19, 2 Chron. 14:8–14, and 2 Chron. 32:1–23 belong to the same holy-war genre (“Jehoshaphat’s Salvation: Its Dimension, Parallels and Significance,” Beit Mikra 31 [1985], pp. 242–51 [242]).

 See S.T. de Vries, 1 and 2 Chronicles (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), p. 324. R. Kasher assumes that the wars related in 2 Chron. 13:3–19, 2 Chron. 14:8–14, and 2 Chron. 32:1–23 belong to the same holy-war genre (“Jehoshaphat’s Salvation: Its Dimension, Parallels and Significance,” Beit Mikra 31 [1985], pp. 242–51 [242]).)| false
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 R.M. Good, “The Just War in Ancient Israel,” JBL 104 (1985), pp. 385–400 (393); A. Amit (“The Dual Causality Principle and Its Effects on Biblical Literature,” VT 37 [1987], pp. 385–400 [398]) and Knoppers (“Reform and Regression,” p. 501) assume that the Chronicler invented such a story in order to promote the hope of a future intervention by God to liberate the Israelites from the military empires ruling their country after the exile. For S.J. Schweitzer (Reading Utopia in Chronicles [PhD diss., University of Notre Dame, 2005], pp. 218–22) and for P.C. Beentjes (“War Narrative in the Book of Chronicles: A New Proposal in Respect of Their Function,” HTR 59 [2003], pp. 587–96 [587]), Jehoshaphat’s war represents a climactic expression of an historical utopia promoted by the Chronicler. B. Gosse suggests that Jehoshaphat’s war provides support for the central theological and political importance of the congregation of singers during the Second Temple period (Isaïe: le livre de la contestation. [Paris: Gabalda, 2012], p. 77).

 R.M. Good, “The Just War in Ancient Israel,” JBL 104 (1985), pp. 385–400 (393); A. Amit (“The Dual Causality Principle and Its Effects on Biblical Literature,” VT 37 [1987], pp. 385–400 [398]) and Knoppers (“Reform and Regression,” p. 501) assume that the Chronicler invented such a story in order to promote the hope of a future intervention by God to liberate the Israelites from the military empires ruling their country after the exile. For S.J. Schweitzer (Reading Utopia in Chronicles [PhD diss., University of Notre Dame, 2005], pp. 218–22) and for P.C. Beentjes (“War Narrative in the Book of Chronicles: A New Proposal in Respect of Their Function,” HTR 59 [2003], pp. 587–96 [587]), Jehoshaphat’s war represents a climactic expression of an historical utopia promoted by the Chronicler. B. Gosse suggests that Jehoshaphat’s war provides support for the central theological and political importance of the congregation of singers during the Second Temple period (Isaïe: le livre de la contestation. [Paris: Gabalda, 2012], p. 77). )| false
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 See S-M. Kang, Divine War in the Old Testament and in the Ancient Near East (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1989), pp. 42, 56, 190, 215–17. Concerning Israel, see Judg. 1:1; 1 Sam. 14:18, 27; 2 Sam. 5:19; 1 Kgs 22:8.

 See S-M. Kang, Divine War in the Old Testament and in the Ancient Near East (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1989), pp. 42, 56, 190, 215–17. Concerning Israel, see Judg. 1:1; 1 Sam. 14:18, 27; 2 Sam. 5:19; 1 Kgs 22:8.)| false
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 See Beentjes, “Psalms and Prayers,” pp. 32–33. Beentjes concludes, “Starting from Old Testament traditions, the Chronicler has created his (sic) own perspective which – reinforced by its retrospective character – functions as a direct accusation against God” (p. 34)

 See Beentjes, “Psalms and Prayers,” pp. 32–33. Beentjes concludes, “Starting from Old Testament traditions, the Chronicler has created his (sic) own perspective which – reinforced by its retrospective character – functions as a direct accusation against God” (p. 34))| false
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 See Kang, Divine War, pp. 46, 71.

 See Kang, Divine War, pp. 46, 71.)| false
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 See Kang, Divine War, pp. 194–95.

 See Kang, Divine War, pp. 194–95. )| false
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 See Dillard, 2 Chronicles, p. 159.

 See Dillard, 2 Chronicles, p. 159. )| false
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 See J.M. Tebes, “You Shall Not Abhor an Edomite, for He Is Your Brother: The Tradition of Esau and the Edomite Genealogies from an Anthropological Perspective,” JHS 6 (2009), pp. 2–30. According to J. Blenkinsopp, the tribe of Judah formerly belonged to a confederation of South Canaanite tribes (including the Jerahmeelites, the Kenites, the Keniz­zites, Simeonites, Midianites, and Levites) living in the Arabah, Negev and Northern Sinai, a territory later related to Edom (“The Midianite-Kenite Hypothesis Revisited and the Origins of Judah,” JSOT 33 [2008], pp. 131–53 [144–49]). Blenkinsopp concludes that “there are several indications in the biblical texts which support, or at least are consistent with, the Edomite origin of Judah, understanding ‘Edomite’ in the broader ethnic and geographical sense” (p. 150).

 See J.M. Tebes, “You Shall Not Abhor an Edomite, for He Is Your Brother: The Tradition of Esau and the Edomite Genealogies from an Anthropological Perspective,” JHS 6 (2009), pp. 2–30. According to J. Blenkinsopp, the tribe of Judah formerly belonged to a confederation of South Canaanite tribes (including the Jerahmeelites, the Kenites, the Keniz­zites, Simeonites, Midianites, and Levites) living in the Arabah, Negev and Northern Sinai, a territory later related to Edom (“The Midianite-Kenite Hypothesis Revisited and the Origins of Judah,” JSOT 33 [2008], pp. 131–53 [144–49]). Blenkinsopp concludes that “there are several indications in the biblical texts which support, or at least are consistent with, the Edomite origin of Judah, understanding ‘Edomite’ in the broader ethnic and geographical sense” (p. 150). )| false
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 See G.N. Knoppers, “Social Complexity, and Ethnic Diversity in the Genealogy of Judah,” JBL 120 (2001), 15–30 (25–27); and Blenkinsopp, “The Midianite-Kenite Hypothesis,” pp. 142–43. At the same time, the Chronicler mentions that some members of the southern tribe of Simeon (integrated in the kingdom of Judah) moved to Mount Seir, where they dwell “unto this day” (1 Chron. 4:42–43).

 See G.N. Knoppers, “Social Complexity, and Ethnic Diversity in the Genealogy of Judah,” JBL 120 (2001), 15–30 (25–27); and Blenkinsopp, “The Midianite-Kenite Hypothesis,” pp. 142–43. At the same time, the Chronicler mentions that some members of the southern tribe of Simeon (integrated in the kingdom of Judah) moved to Mount Seir, where they dwell “unto this day” (1 Chron. 4:42–43).)| false
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 See Knoppers, “Reforms and Regressions,” p. 507.

 See Knoppers, “Reforms and Regressions,” p. 507.)| false
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 See M.A. Throntveit, When Kings Speak: Royal Speech and Royal Prayer in Chronicles (Atlanta: Scholar, 1987) pp. 115–20.

 See M.A. Throntveit, When Kings Speak: Royal Speech and Royal Prayer in Chronicles (Atlanta: Scholar, 1987) pp. 115–20.)| false
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 See P.C. Beentjes, “Tradition and Transformation. Aspect of Inner Biblical Interpretation in 2 Chronicles 20,” Biblica 74 (1993), pp. 258–68 (259); Amit, “Dual Causality,” p. 398. For de Vries, the possibility of an historical basis to the story cannot be denied, but the stereotyped pattern of the story as a holy war prevents any attempt to elucidate the historical core (“Temporal Terms,” p. 105). The historical basis of this war is defended by Ilan, who notes that the topography of the assumed site of the war fits the ambushes mentioned in the story (“The Battle of Jehoshaphat,” pp. 206, 209). Japhet concludes, “The concrete details reflected in the story are clearly weighty enough to indicate the existence of a source utilized by the Chronicler. In view of the Chronistic work as a whole, this was most probably a source concerning the history of the Judean kings, with information of a political, economic and administrative nature” (I and II Chronicles, p. 784).

 See P.C. Beentjes, “Tradition and Transformation. Aspect of Inner Biblical Interpretation in 2 Chronicles 20,” Biblica 74 (1993), pp. 258–68 (259); Amit, “Dual Causality,” p. 398. For de Vries, the possibility of an historical basis to the story cannot be denied, but the stereotyped pattern of the story as a holy war prevents any attempt to elucidate the historical core (“Temporal Terms,” p. 105). The historical basis of this war is defended by Ilan, who notes that the topography of the assumed site of the war fits the ambushes mentioned in the story (“The Battle of Jehoshaphat,” pp. 206, 209). Japhet concludes, “The concrete details reflected in the story are clearly weighty enough to indicate the existence of a source utilized by the Chronicler. In view of the Chronistic work as a whole, this was most probably a source concerning the history of the Judean kings, with information of a political, economic and administrative nature” (I and II Chronicles, p. 784).)| false
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 See Knoppers, “Reform and Regression,” pp. 26–27 and references therein.

 See Knoppers, “Reform and Regression,” pp. 26–27 and references therein. )| false
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 See Amzallag, Esau in Jerusalem, pp. 143–220; J.M. Tebes, “The Edomite Involvement in the Destruction of the First Temple: A Case of Stab-in-the-Back Tradition?” JSOT 36 (2011), pp. 219–55 (253).

 See Amzallag, Esau in Jerusalem, pp. 143–220; J.M. Tebes, “The Edomite Involvement in the Destruction of the First Temple: A Case of Stab-in-the-Back Tradition?” JSOT 36 (2011), pp. 219–55 (253). )| false
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