Second Temple Judaism witnessed the rise of a new approach to sin impurity. While in the Hebrew Bible sin impurity was associated with improper actions, and there was no formula to dissipate it, this form of impurity underwent a process of reification during the Second Temple period and was consequently identified with specific objects and people, such as idols, gentiles and “outsiders” in general. Consequently, the distinction between moral and ritual impurity was blurred, and practices for the disposal of bodily impurity were gradually applied to carriers of sin impurity. Arguably, both Qumran sectarians and Christians shared this Second Temple tendency, and it shaped their common ritual language. In this article, I examine the gradual development of initiation as a locus of purification from sin impurity in various Qumran texts and in the Christian Apostolic Tradition. The two corpora share the challenge of expelling the impure presence of sin through concrete ritual patterns of bodily purification. Although they seem to differ in their choice of ritual resources, in both cases the principles of gradual bodily purification merge with the language of exorcism to create a separate purification procedure in addition to the initial rite of initiation.
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G. J. Brooke, “2 Corinthians 6:14–7:1 Again: A Change of Perspective,” in The Dead Sea Scrolls and Pauline Literature, ed. J.-S. Rey (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 1–16.
M. Newton, The Concept of Purity at Qumran and the Letters of Paul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 49–60; C. Wassen, “Do You have to be Pure in a Metaphorical Temple: Sanctuary Metaphors and Construction of Sacred Space in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Paul’s Letters,” in Purity, Holiness and Identity in Judaism and Christianity: Essays in Memory of Susan Haber, ed. C. S. Ehrlich, A. Runesson and E. M. Schuller (Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 2013), 55–86.
J. Daniélou, “La Communauté de Qumran et l’organisation de l’Eglise Ancienne,” La Bible et l’Orient: travaux du premier Congrès d’archéologie et d’orientalisme bibliques (Saint-Cloud 23–24 avril 1954) (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1955), 104–15; M. Black, The Scrolls and Christian Origins: Studies in the Jewish Background of the New Testament (Chico: Scholars Press, 1961), 91–117 (“Qumran Baptismal Rites and Sacred Meal”).
Compare M. Weinfeld, The Organizational Pattern and the Penal Code of the Qumran Sect: A Comparison with Guilds and Religious Associations of the Hellenistic-Roman Period (Fribourg: Éditions Universitaires, 1986). Weinfeld frames the admission of both the Qumran sect and the Apostolic Tradition within the conventions of Greco-Roman associations (see pp. 44–45, 78–79). See also Y. M. Gillihan, Civic Ideology, Organization and Law in the Rule Scrolls: A Comparative Study of the Covenanters Sect and Contemporary Voluntary Associations in Political Context (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 371–81. However, the analogy is quite limited and pertains mainly to the approval of the priest and assembly. Most significant for our current interest is the lack of any period of probation and catechumenate, which govern the initiation procedure in Qumran and in the Apostolic Tradition.
J. Klawans, Impurity and Sin in Ancient Judaism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
Klawans, Impurity and Sin, 22–26. The sources of ritual impurity are concentrated in Leviticus 12–15, and Numbers 19.
Klawans, Impurity and Sin, 26–31. See Lev 18:24–30 (sexual sins); Lev 19:31; 20:1–3 (idolatry); Num 35:33–34 (bloodshed).
Klawans, Impurity and Sin, 67–91. According to his formulation, in Qumran “sin was ritually defiling and sinners had to purify themselves.” However, despite the explicit association of the two forms of impurity in Qumran, there is no justification for identifying the two, and nowhere does Qumran law mandate purification for sinful acts. For a more nuanced formulation see H. Birenboim, “ ‘For He is Impure Among All Those Who Transgress His Words’: Sin and Ritual Defilement in the Qumran Scrolls,” Zion 68 (2003): 359–66 [Hebrew]. In his opinion, sin does not necessarily generate ritual impurity; however, purification from the wretched human state is granted only to the righteous.
Hultgren, From Damascus Covenant, 238–39. In contrast, J. C. VanderKam, “The Oath and the Community,” dsd 16 (2009): 416–32 (426), argues that this additional instruction has nothing to do with the admission process, but rather refers to the possibility of misbehavior after one is already a member of the group.
B. Nitzan, “4QBerakhot A–E (4Q286–290): A Covenantal Ceremony in Light of Related Texts,” RevQ 16/64 (1995): 487–506, endorses the view that 4QBerakhot represents an annual covenantal ceremony (see 4Q287 4), comparable to the one described in 1QS 1:16–2:25, and which included the renunciation of Belial and all his wicked spirits (4Q286 7 ii).
Compare T. S. Beall, Josephus’ Description of the Essenes Illustrated by the Dead Sea Scrolls (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 73–78. In a recent discussion, VanderKam, “The Oath and the Community,” 426–28, 430–32, rejected this accepted understanding of the process according to Josephus. In an attempt to harmonize the different descriptions of admission in the sect, VanderKam claims that all sources locate the oath after a preliminary stage of examination and before the two-year admission procedure and not at the end of the process. In this vein, he suggests that Josephus’s reference to the oath (j.w. 2.139–142) belongs in fact to the previous stage, before the candidate is allowed to the share in the pure waters and begins the two-year process, familiar from 1QS 6:15–23. This reconstruction however is hardly convincing, since Josephus at that stage does not yet suppose contact with the communal meal, and this seems to be the simple meaning of being reckoned into the group at the end of the two-year probation period.
This is the position of Licht, The Rule Scroll, 145, 151. Licht conjectures that the word יפקדוהו (vi, 21, section [2c] here), translated here as “review,” includes a second oath. This oath is comparable to the final oath mentioned by Josephus. He admits that the first oath in front of the paqqid already included the full commitment to the laws of the Yaḥad and separation from outsiders, as specified in column 5. However, besides the fact that there is no explicit mentioning of a second oath, it is hard to imagine what it could have added.
J. Milgrom, “The Scriptural Foundations and Deviations in the Laws of Purity of the Temple Scroll,” in Archaeology and History in the Dead Sea Scrolls: The New York University Conference in Memory of Yigal Yadin, ed. L. H. Schiffman (Sheffield: jsot Press, 1990), 83–99; idem, “First Day Ablutions,” in The Madrid Qumran Congress: Proceedings of the International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, March 1991, ed. J. T. Barerra and L. V. Montaner (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 561–70; idem, “4QTOHORAa: An Unpublished Qumran Text on Purities,” in Time To Prepare the Way in the Wilderness: Papers on the Qumran Scrolls by Fellows of the Institute for Advanced Studies of the Hebrew University Jerusalem, ed. D. Dimant and L. H. Schiffman (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 59–68. As Milgrom proves in the latter publication, Qumran law prohibited eating before the first day initial purification.
Y. Furstenberg, Purity and Community in Antiquity: Traditions of the Law between Second Temple Judaism and the Mishnah (Jerusalem: Magnes, 2016), 157–88 [in Hebrew].
Compare H. Eshel, “CD XII, 15–17 and the Stone Vessels found in Qumran,” in The Damascus Covenant: A Centennial of Discovery. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 4–8 February, 1998, ed. J. M. Baumgarten, E. Chazon and A. Pinnick (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 45–52.
Hempel, “The Penal Code Reconsidered,” in Legal Texts and Legal Issues, 337–48. According to Hempel’s reconstruction, the 1QS community took over an earlier code, equivalent to that preserved in the Damascus Document, and developed their own penal code.
G. Dix, ΑΠΟΣΤΟΛΙΚΗ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΙΣ: The Treatise of on the Apostolic Tradition of St. Hippolytus of Rome (2nd edition with preface and corrections by H. Chadwick; Ridgefield: Morehouse, 1992), xxxv–xxxvii.
Due to this fact, A. Stewart-Sykes, Hippolytus: On the Apostolic Tradition (Crestwood: St. Vladimir’s Seminary, 2001), argues that the struggle between competing structures within the Churches of Rome up to the creation of a monepiscopate in the mid-third century set the stage for the development of such a multilayered text. He therefore assigns each of the office holders to distinct layers. Ekenberg, on the other hand, views this fact as indicative of the “successive and not very carefully considered changes made to the text.” See A. Ekenberg, “Initiation in the Apostolic Tradition,” in Ablution, Initiation and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism and Early Christianity, ed. D. Hellholm (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011), 1011–50 (1020).
Following M. Metzger, “Nouvelles perspectives pour la prétendue Tradition apostolique,” Ecclesia Orans 5 (1988): 241–59; idem, “Enquêtes autour de la prétendue Tradition apostolique,” Ecclesia Orans 9 (1992): 7–35.
Werblowsky, “On the Baptismal Rite according to St. Hippolytus,” 95.
H. A. Kelly, The Devil at Baptism: Ritual, Theology and Drama (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 86–87 is troubled by the duplication of a final exorcism. He therefore suggests that it is either a mistake or “a dramatic recapitulation of what has gone before; it would serve to edify the congregation, strengthen the candidates, and warn the evil spirits not to return.”
Compare W. A. Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 155.
R. P. Casey, ed., The Excerpta ex Theodoto of Clement of Alexandria (London: Christophers, 1934), 82–91.
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Second Temple Judaism witnessed the rise of a new approach to sin impurity. While in the Hebrew Bible sin impurity was associated with improper actions, and there was no formula to dissipate it, this form of impurity underwent a process of reification during the Second Temple period and was consequently identified with specific objects and people, such as idols, gentiles and “outsiders” in general. Consequently, the distinction between moral and ritual impurity was blurred, and practices for the disposal of bodily impurity were gradually applied to carriers of sin impurity. Arguably, both Qumran sectarians and Christians shared this Second Temple tendency, and it shaped their common ritual language. In this article, I examine the gradual development of initiation as a locus of purification from sin impurity in various Qumran texts and in the Christian Apostolic Tradition. The two corpora share the challenge of expelling the impure presence of sin through concrete ritual patterns of bodily purification. Although they seem to differ in their choice of ritual resources, in both cases the principles of gradual bodily purification merge with the language of exorcism to create a separate purification procedure in addition to the initial rite of initiation.
All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 916 | 145 | 14 |
Full Text Views | 307 | 13 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 206 | 39 | 0 |