The trajectory of Vicente Nogueira (1586–1654) demonstrates how an Iberian intellectual who was well attuned to the composite governmental structure of the Iberian empire (c.1580–c.1640) strengthened the ties between state communication systems and learned communities during the Late Renaissance. This article highlights the political valence of historical knowledge that was gathered and distributed throughout the Republic of Letters with emphasis on the code-switching of a scholar who styled himself differently across learned communities depending on his political circumstances, interests, and interlocutors. The study of Nogueira’s itinerary demonstrates the need for a history of early modern scholarship that takes into account the ways that early modern politics and state communication systems were connected by learned networks.
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Bots and Waquet, La république, 34–55; Dirk Van Miert, ‘José Justo Escalígero (1540–1609): los contactos católicos de un erudito calvinista’, Revista de historiografía 11-vi (2009), 87–93.
See Klaus Garber, ‘A propos de la politisation de l’Humanisme tardif européen, Jacques Auguste de Thou et le Cabinet Dupuy à Paris’, in Le juste et l’injuste à la Renaissance et à l’âge classique, eds. Christiane Lauvergnat-Gagnière and Bernard Yon (Saint Etienne, 1986), 158–172; Bruno Neveu, ‘Les armes de l’érudition dans la guerre diplomatique au xviie siècle’, in Les premiers siècles de la République européenne des Lettres, ed. Marc Fumaroli (Paris, 2005), 407–425; René Pintard, Le libertinage érudit dans la première moitié du xviie siècle (Geneva, 2000, 1st edition 1943), 91–122; Stewart Saunders, ‘Politics and Scholarship in Seventeenth-Century France: The Library of Nicolas Fouquet and the Collège Royal’, Journal of Library History 20 (1985), 1–24.
Federico Palomo, ‘Cultura religiosa, comunicación y escritura en el mundo ibérico de la edad moderna’, in De la tierra al cielo. Líneas recientes de investigación en Historia Moderna, ed. Eliseo Serrano Martín, (Zaragoza, 2013), 53–88.
Rafael Valladares Ramírez, ‘Portugal en el Orden Hispánico’, in La monarquía hispánica en tiempos del Quijote, ed. Porfirio Sanz Camañes (Madrid, 2005), 493–500; Fernando Bouza, ‘A nobreza portuguesa e a corte de Madrid. Nobres e luta política no Portugal de Olivares’, in Portugal no tempo dos Felipes. Política, cultura, representações (1580–1668), ed. Fernando J. Bouza Álvarez (Lisbon, 2000), 209–256.
Fernando Bouza, ‘Entre vidas atlánticas y letras medievales: por una historia de los usos de la memoria de lo medieval en el Siglo de Oro’, in La apertura de Europa al Mundo Atlántico: espacio de poder, economía marítima y circulación cultural, eds. José Ramón Díaz de Durana Ortiz de Urbina and José Antonio Munita Loinaz (Bilbao, 2011), 203–223.
Robert Descimon, ‘Jacques-Auguste de Thou (1553–1617): Intellectual, Political and Social Rupture’, Revue de l’histoire des religions 226 (2009), 491.
See Antoine Coron, ‘Ut prosint aliis: Jacques-Auguste de Thou et sa bibliothèque’, in Histoire des bibliothèques françaises. Vol. 2. Les bibliothèques sous l’Ancien Régime 1530–1789, ed. Claude Jolly (Paris, 1998), 116–118; De Smet, Thuanus, 224; Quintín Aldea Vaquero, ‘La imagen de España en la Hispania Illustrata de Andreas Schott (1603–1608)’, in Actas del Simposio sobre ‘La imagen de España en la Ilustración Alemana’ (Madrid, 1991), 36; Paul Nelles, ‘The measure of Rome: André Schott, Justus Lipsius and the Early Reception of the Res gestae divi Augusti’, in History of Scholarship, eds. Ligota and Quantin, 113–134; André Stegmann, ‘L’Europe intellectuelle de J.A. de Thou’, in La conscience européenne au xve et au xvie siècle (Paris, 1982), 397.
In 1628, the Hispanicae historiae Breviarium, a summary of Spanish history composed by his friend the former ambassador in Persia, García de Silva y Figueroa, was edited from the manuscripts of Nogueira’s library and dedicated to him. Bento Gil also dedicated to Nogueira in 1630 his Directorium Advocatorum et de privilegiorum. The dedication that the physician of Jewish origins, Zacuto Lusitano, made of Gil’s Praxis historiarum (1634) in the 1641 edition was motivated mainly by his desire to obtain funds from Nogueira. One year earlier, Fortunio Liceti, one of Naudé’s correspondents and Galileo´s friends, dedicated to Nogueira his De Quesitis per epístolas a claris […] (1640).
See Morel-Fatio, ‘Vicente’ 9–10; Albuquerque, Biblos, 27; Gonçalves Serafim and Freitas Carvalho, Um diálogo, 18. It was common for canons to occupy posts in tribunals of the monarchy and in the Inquisition at the same time. In addition to overseeing the religious ceremonies and the economic management of the cathedral, canons were commonly involved in negotiations with the king, the Council of Portugal, the bishop of the city, the universities, and even Rome to defend the privileges of their cathedral. In all these negotiations, a good knowledge of law was essential. See Hugo Ribeiro da Silva, ‘Os cabidos catedralícios portugueses em tempos de mudança: 1564–1670’, Lusitania Sacra 23 (2011), 77–94, 78, 84.
On 30 November 1637, during his stay in Rome, Naudé mentioned to Jacques Dupuy the intellectual qualities of the ‘Spanish’ Vicente Nogueira who was serving at this time the Cardinal Sachetti in Bologna. Naudé was aware of Nogueira’s critique of the Etruscan forgeries of La Volterra by the Florentine Curzio Inghirami. See bnf, Dupuy 785, f. 62r–63v; Ferreti, 44. In another letter to Fortuno Liceto, dated 26 November 1638, Naudé referred to Nogueira as ‘aulicosque supra morem aulae, singulari judicio praestantes multumque literis humanioribus excultos Vincentium Nogheram […]’. Albuquerque, Biblos, 35, 83. On Nogueira’s political implication in the affairs of the forgeries of La Volterra, see Rowland, The Scarith, 53–58, 72–79. In the same year, Lucas Holstenius copied the Discurso sopra la lingua e li autori di Spagna that Nogueira composed for Peiresc. See Peter N. Miller, Peiresc’s History of Provence: Antiquarianism and the Discovery of a Medieval Mediterranean (Philadelphia, pa, 2011); Jean-François Boissonade, Lucae Holstenii Epistolae ad diversos (Paris, 1817). Holstenius recalled that Nogueira’s critiques against forgery were not new. He had already made public in Discurso sopra la lingua his critiques against the lead books of Granada, of Spanish false chronicles like those of Flavio Dextro and Julian Toledo, and his familiarity with the argument of the Spanish jurist Gregorio López Madera about the antiquity of the Spanish language in his Discursos de la certidumbre de las reliquias descubiertas en Granada desde el año mdlxxxciii hasta el de mdxcviii. Boissonade, 297. Quoted by Morel-Fatio, ‘Vicente’, 21.
See Shermann, ‘Genealogy’, 98–99, 132; Jean-Fréderic Schaub, ‘Le Portugal dans les discours français au xviie siècle. Éléments d’une idéologie lettrée’, in La France et le monde luso-brésilien: échanges et représentations, xvie–xviiie siècles, ed. Saulo Neiva (Clermont-Ferrand, 2005), 307–322.
Pedro Cardim, ‘Portuguese Rebels at Münster. The Diplomatic Self-Fashioning in mid-17th Century European Politics’, Historische Zeitschrift. Beihefe 26 (1998), 293–333.
See Albuquerque, Biblos, 35; Gonçalvez Serafim and Freitas Carvalho, Um diálogo, 33.
Valladares, La rebelión, 1998, 77–78; João Carlos Gonçalves Serafim, ‘Cardeais, reis e Senhores pelas cartas (1615–1654) de D. Vicente Nogueira’, vs 21 (2014), 29–56. On the rigorous politics of the Portuguese Inquisition after 1640, see Bruno Feitler, ‘Le refus de la communion aux nouveaux-chrétiens. La tendance rigoriste de l’inquisition portugaise sous la présidence du dominicain João Vasconcelos (1640)’, Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique 108 (2013), 199–227.
Natalia Muchnik, ‘Juan de Prado o las peregrinaciones de un passeur de frontiers’, in Familia, religión y negocio: el sefardismo en las relaciones entre el mundo ibérico y los Paises Bajos en la Edad Moderna, eds. Jaime Contreras Contreras, Bernardo José García García, and Juan Ignacio Pullido Serrano (Madrid, 2003), 255–256, 260. See also Jean-Pierre Cavaillé, Postures libertines (Toulouse, 2011), 196; Jesús Villanueva López, ‘Remarques à propos de l’historiographie sur le libertinisme espagnol du xviie siècle’, Cahiers du Centre de Recherches Historiques 35 (2005), 93–95, 103.
Peter Burke, ‘Tacitism, Scepticism, and Reason of State’, in The Cambridge History of Political Thought 1450–1700, ed. James H. Burns, (Cambridge, 1991), 479–498. See also Richard Popkin, The History of Scepticism: From Savonarola to Bayle (New York, ny, 2003, 1st edition 1963), 80–98.
Soll, The Information Master, 127. The subsequent mission of the intendant Claude-François Pellot (1619–1683) to gather manuscripts in Spain favouring Colbert’s politics marked the state institutionalization of French-Iberian scholarly exchanges.
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The trajectory of Vicente Nogueira (1586–1654) demonstrates how an Iberian intellectual who was well attuned to the composite governmental structure of the Iberian empire (c.1580–c.1640) strengthened the ties between state communication systems and learned communities during the Late Renaissance. This article highlights the political valence of historical knowledge that was gathered and distributed throughout the Republic of Letters with emphasis on the code-switching of a scholar who styled himself differently across learned communities depending on his political circumstances, interests, and interlocutors. The study of Nogueira’s itinerary demonstrates the need for a history of early modern scholarship that takes into account the ways that early modern politics and state communication systems were connected by learned networks.
All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 1066 | 108 | 4 |
Full Text Views | 255 | 6 | 1 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 72 | 12 | 2 |