1. Akim Volynsky, "Against the Grain," DanceResearch, 1, No, 14 (1923), 23-44. 2.Ibid., pp. 5-6.
3. Max Nordau, Degeneration, trans. George L. Mosse (New York: Howard Fertig, 1968), p. 142. 4. Alfred Binet, "Recherche sur les alterations de la conscience chez les hysteriques," Revuephitosophique, No. 27 (1889), p. 165. 5. Zinaida Vengerova, "Poety simvolisty vo Frantsii," VestnikEvropy, No. 9 (1892), p. 117. Vengerova was sister of the famous Pushkinist Semen Vengerov and close friend of Zinaida Gippius, St. Petersburg's own fin-de-siecte Cleopatra.
6: Debora Silverman, ArtNouveau inFin-de-SiecleFrance:Politics,Psychology,andStyle (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California Press, 1989), p. 299. 7. Maksimil'an Voloshin, "Aisedora Dunkan," in Likitvorchestva, eds. V. A. Manuilov, V. P. Kupchenko, A. V. Lavrov (Leningrad: Nauka, 1989), p. 394.
8. Alain Corbain, "Backstage: Cries and Whispers," in AHistoryofPrimateLife.IV.-FromtheFiresofRevolutiontotheGreatWar, ed. Michelle Perrot, tr. Arthur Goldhammer (Cam- bridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard Univ. Press, 1990), p. 630. 9. Henri Bergson, Essaisurlesdonneesimmediates delaconscience (Paris: Alean, 1911), ), pp. 11-14. 10. Harry Campbell, DifferencesintheNervousOrganizationManandWoman (London: H. K. Cambell, 1891), p. 169. 11. Havelock Ellis, ManandWoman:A Studyof HumanSecondarySexuafCharacterisdics (London: Walter Scott, 1894), p. 355.
12. Silverman, ArtNouveauinFin-de-SiecleFrance, pp. 299-300. ' 13. Voloshin, "0 smysle tantsa," Likitvorchestva, p. 396 14. Ibid, p. 398. 15. For a discussion of the intersection of degeneration theory and Russian cultural discourse, see 01'ga Matich, "Poszdnii Tolstoy i Blok: poputchiki po vyrozhdeniiu," in Russkaialiteratureimedttsina, ed. K. Bogdanov and lu. Murashov (Moscow: O.G.G.I., 2004), in press.
16. Prince Peter Lieven, TheBirthofBallets-Russes, tr. L. Zarine (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1936), p. 335. 17.Ibid.,p. 336. 18. Michel Fokine, MemoirsofaBalletMaster, tr. Vitale Fokine, ed. Anatole Chujoy (Bos- ton: Little, Brown, 1961), p. 222. 19. Cyril W. Beaumont, MichaelFokineandHisBallets (London: C. W. Beaumont, 1935), p. 26. 20. Tim Scholl, FromPetipa ioBalanchine:ClassicalRevivalandtheModernizationofBal-let (London: Routledge, 1994), p. 46. 21. Lynn Garafola, Diaghilev'sBalletsRusses (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1989), pp. 28-29.
22. Joseph Paget-Fredericks Papers (1893-1963). Bancroft Library, UC Berkeley. Paget- Fredericks (1905-1963), a relation of Baron General Fredericks, the aide-de-camp of Nicholas 11 and patron of the arts in St. Petersburg, grew up in Berkeley, California. His father, scion of Bal- tic German lumber barons, was already bom in San Francisco. Her married Constance Paget, who presided over a well-known Berkeley salon of the 1920s, set in her home which was a rep- lica of General Fredericks's marble mansion in Petersburg (Millie Robbins, "Echo of Elegance from the City's Past," SanFranciscoChronicle, Sept. 2, 1960, pp. 11). ). Pavlova first visited there with her dancing partner Mordkin; Constance gave her the name Pavvy. Paget-Fredericks, a self-styled aesthete, modeling his persona on the well-known dandies of the findesiècle Oscar Wilde and Baron Robert de Montesquiou, was an artist and lecturer on ballet and stage design, teaching at the California College of Arts and Crafts in Oakland. He had studied painting with Bakst, claiming that he was his last student. Bakst apparently visited his parent's Berkeley home as did other Russian artists. I would suggest that Paget-Fredericks's florid written style was modeled on that of Huysmans's des Esseintes (AgainstNamre), whose prototype was Montes- quiou, even though he writes that his description of Pavlova's impersonation of the California poppy was influenced by his mother, a great lover of flowers, and by her interest in the motor mechanisms of plants and electrical experiments mounted with the purpose of studying the emo- tions of flowers. '■.'■ ■ ■ '' .;■
23. Lieven, TheBirthof Ballets-Russes, p. 119. 24. Kenneth Clark, TheNude:A StudyinIdeal Form (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 1984), p. 25. Maia KTylova, "Nezdeshniaia somnambula: Kto ne videl Idu Rubinshtcin - ne znaet, chto takoe krasota," NezavisimaiaGazeta, no. 199 (303 1), Sept. 19, 2003.
26. Philippe Jullian, RobertdeMontesquiou:A Fin-de-Si�clePrince, tr. John Haylock and Francis King (London: Seeker & Warburg, 1967), p. 230.
27.Ibid., p. 224. 28. Quoted in Michael de Cossart, IdaRubinsaein(1855-1960):A TheatricalLife (Liverpool: Liverpool Univ. Press, 1987), p. 57. ' 29. Lieven, TheBirthof Ballets-Russes, p. 97 30. For a discussion of Salome in Russian literature of the turn of the twentieth century, es- pecially in Alexander Blok's writings, see Olga Matich, "Pokrovy Salomei: Eros, smert' i isto- riia," in Erosi russkiiSerebrtnnyivek, ed. Margarita Pavlova (Moscow: Novoe literatumoe obozrenie, 2004), in press.
31. E. Time, Dorogiiskusstva (Moscow: Vserossiiskoe teatral'noe obshchestvo, 1967), p. 55. Quoted in Lynn Garafola, "Circles of Meaning: The Cultural Contexts of Ida Rubinstein's LeMai-tyredeSaintSebastian, Proceedings of the Society of Dance History Scholars, Riverside, CA: Society of Dance History Scholars, 1994, p. 33. The essay by Garafola offers an important rereading of Rubinstein's performance career. 32. V. Svetlov, LeBalletConemporain (Paris: M. Brunoff, 1912), p. 78.
33. Rubinstein studied acting in Petersburg and Moscow, where she worked with Vasilii Geltser, himself a ballet mime, who taught mime, gesture, and expressive movement. She com- pleted a full course in dramatic performance, but had little training in ballet.
34. Jullian, RobertdeMontesquiou, p. 223.
35. Jean Cocteau, "Cleopatre," TheDecorativeArtofLeonBakst, tr. Hany Melvill (New York: Dover Publications, 1972), pp. 29-30. This edition is a republication of a catalog of Bakst's ballet designs with Cocteau's commentary, originally published by the Fine Art Society of London in 1913. 36. Rubinstein's Salome project suggests comparison with her later production of D'Annunzio's Martyrdomof St.Sebastian (i 911 which the poet wrote for Rubinstein after hav- ing seen her in Cleopatra. As in Salome, she commissioned the rest of the production, turning again to Fokine, Bakst, and Meierkhol'd. She pulled the strings behind the scenes. Although the play was not banned by the French censorship, as was the case in Petersburg, the Catholic Church issued a ban on the play five days before opening night, forbidding Catholics to attend its performance. Although this kept some theatergoers way, the Parisian public came to see the spectacle. The Vatican cancelled the play's scheduled Roman season. As Lynn Garafola writes, the fact that Sebastian was to be performed by a woman outraged the Roman church. Rubin- stein's public Jewish identity provoked displeasure in the French press (Garafola, Diaghilev'sBalletRusses, pp. 38-9).
Further comparison can be made between the subsequent Sebastian and the production of Cleopatra by Diaghilev's BalletsRusses at the First Paris Season. Both were performed at the Theatre Chatelet. Although Rubinstein did not have an entrepreneurial role in staging the ballet, she became its star performer, even eclipsing Pavlova and perhaps even Nizhinsky. She was the ballet's master of desire. Her androgynous body and uncertain gender made her an immediate homosexual icon in these Parisian circles, as did her enactment of Sebastian later. Perhaps the most striking similarity between the Russian ballet and the later production is their critical recep- tion. Consider Louis Schneider's review of SebastianinComoediafllustré (1911) and Cocteau's appreciation of Cleopatre quoted in the body of the text: "Inmagnifrcentseuingsthousandsoftones gather, thousands of rich and picturesque forms.... The magic of these crimsons, of these emeraldgreens, the power of these golds,thesongoftheselapislazuliblues ... formaspecta-cle that it utterly unique. A dream you might say, where suddenly the stained-glasswindowsofcathedrals come alive, and one seems to contemplate that strange, mystical light that shines so sweetly under gothic vaults on the mantles, crowns, and visages of the saints .... Hereismusicfortheeyes ...andanunforgettablevisionofart" (emphases mine; Louis Schneider, "Le Mar- tyre de Saint S6bastian," Comoedialllustre, May 23, 1911, p.2; quoted in Garafola, Diaghilev'sBalletRusses, p. 37). Like Cocteau, the reviewer interprets the performance as an extravagant synesthetic feast - as "music for the eyes." 37. lurii Tsivian, Bol'sboekinemo (Moscow: Novoe literatumoe obozrenie, 2002), p. 38. 38. Freud, TheDoraCase, p. 39.
39.Teatral 'naiagazeta, Nos. 1/2. 15 (1917). Quoted in Velikoe kinemo, p. 356.
40. See Elisabeth Bronfen, OverHerDeadBody:Death,femininityandtheaesthetic (New York: Routledge, 1992). 41. Stephane Mallarme, "Ballets," in Mallarme inProse, ed. Mary Ann Caws, trans. Caws and Rosemary Lloyd (New York: New Directions Press, 2001), p. 109. For a discussion of Sa- lome in the European decadence, see Charles Bernheimer, "Visions of Salome," in DecadentSubjects:TheIdeaofDecadeneinArt,Literature,Philosophy,andCultureoftheFindeSiècle, .. eds. T. Jefferson Kline and Naomi Schor (Baltimore: John Hopkins Univ. Press, 2002), pp. 104- 39. 42. Arnold L. Haskell (in collaboration with Walter Nouvel), DiaghileJJ:�HisArtisticandPrivateLife (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1935), p. 179.