The social location of the village culture as portrayed in the Judges period provides no legitimate place or cultic role for Levites. Their occasional appearances, (aside from the artificial injection of Phinehas into the civil war narrative in Judg 20:27-28), simply reinforce that fact that they do not and cannot perform the tasks that are traditionally assigned to Levites in the monarchy period. Instead, they, like most other characters in Judges, are portrayed as flawed individuals, who have little stake in teaching about or ministering before Yahweh. It is more in character that they are willing to serve idols and to sacrifice others rather than speak the truth. This narrative is intentionally presented as a world-turned-upside-down and it would upset the balance of chaos for Levites to suddenly appear to rectify the situation.
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See Carol Meyers, “Household Religion,” in Religious Diversity in Ancient Israel and Judah (ed. Francesca Stavrakopoulou and John Barton; London: T & T Clark, 2010), 124.
Victor H. Matthews, Judges & Ruth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 86-87. Tammi J. Schneider, Judges (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2000), 107, portrays the villagers as totally unaware of how their actions may have angered Yahweh.
Meyers, “Household Religion,” 122, points to the fact that archaeological evidence indicates that “cult-corners” in domestic space tended to be used for a variety of household purposes. To have valuable space within a dwelling dedicated solely to sacred activity and the housing of the household’s array of sacred objects demonstrates it belongs to a very “well-to-do” family. Shawn W. Flynn, “The Teraphim in Light of Mesopotamian and Egyptian Evidence,” CBQ 74 (2012): 702, indicates that the presence of tĕrāphîm is “a necessary aspect of establishing a temple.” While Micah’s house-shrine is unlikely to be mistaken for a temple, it certainly would be the closest facsimile in a small village.
Jeremy Hutton, “The Levitical Diaspora (I): A Sociological Comparison with Morocco’s Ahansal,” in Exploring the Longue Durée: Essays in Honor of Lawrence E. Stager (ed. J. David Schloen; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2009), 229, uses the Berber Ahansal as his comparative model for Levitical activity as mediators and arbitrators of disputes. However, he notes, when a family or individual fell “out of sainthood” among the Ahansal, one method used to reclaim their former status was to “attach oneself to a particularly effective household.” This level of flexibility of association, Hutton contends, ended with the more formalized role of the Levites during the monarchy period.
Menahem Haran, Temples and Temple Service in Ancient Israel: an Inquiry into the Character of Cult Phenomena and the Historical Setting of the Priestly School (Oxford: Clarendon, 1977), 88 and 308.
Dan Block, Judges (Nashville: Broadman/Holman, 1998), 486, tries to explain the Levite’s movements by saying his “roots had not been firmly planted in Bethlehem,” but I would have to say you cannot set down roots if there is no position available to you there.
Richard D. Nelson, Deuteronomy (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 2002), 186, points to the section in Deuteronomy 14 as a modification of “an older ‘seed tithe’ law, and notes that the “explicit reference to local Levites make seek to cushion the negative economic effect of centralization on this group.”
Trent Butler, Judges (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2009), 385, points to the use of the term naʻar, “young man” for the Levite as an indication that he has separated “himself from his family” and contrasts this lack of dependency to Micah’s reliance on his mother despite the fact that he is a “grown man” with sons.
Lawrence E. Stager, “The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israel,” BASOR 260 (1985): 27. To be sure, Samuel became a priest through apprenticeship despite that fact that his father is an Ephraimite (1 Sam 2:18; 3:1).
Susan Niditch, Judges (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 2008), 182, points to Micah’s and perhaps the general community’s perception of these “wandering holy men” as the bearers of good luck, and therefore “quite a catch for the repentant son, con man, and cult founder.”
Robert G. Boling, Judges (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, 1975), 263.
See the discussion in Peter Altmann, “What do the ‘Levites in your Gates’ Have to do with the ‘Levitical Priests’? An Attempt at European-North American Dialogue on the Levites in the Deuteronomic Law Corpus,” in Levites and Priests in Biblical History and Tradition (ed. Mark Leuchter and Jeremy M. Hutton; Atlanta: SBL, 2011), 136-145.
Philip E. Satterthwaite, “ ‘No King in Israel’: Narrative Criticism and Judges 17-21,” Tyndale Bulletin 44 (1993): 78, sees a narrative progression here designed to first build up Micah’s confidence and pride in his accomplishments and then dash them when the Danite raiders steal his man-made idols and his priest. Satterthwaite (p. 80) also points to the boast of the Danites in 18:10 as a match for Micah’s exclamation of God’s favor. In neither case are their conclusions justified since Micah loses the objects of his pride and the Danites, while successful in battle, ruin their victory by installing an idolatrous shrine in their newly captured city (p. 85).
See Risto Nurmela, The Levites: Their Emergence as a Second-Class Priesthood (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998), 33-34.
Baruch Levine, Numbers 21-36 (New York: Doubleday, 2000), 286, refers to this reference as a “priestly gloss” and the Numbers 25 narrative as a “basis for the priestly mandate of the Aaronides of the Eleazarite line.”
As Joseph Blenkinsopp, “Benjamin Traditions in the Early Persian Period,” in Judah and the Judeans in the Persian Period (ed. Oded Lipschits and Manfred Oeming; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2006), 640-641, points out this grisly act is most likely based on Saul’s dissection of his oxen in 1 Sam 11:7 and forms part of the anti-Saul polemic in this Judges narrative. For an argument placing the literary origins of the Saul polemic in the post-exilic period, see Yairah Amit, “The Saul Polemic in the Persian Period,” in Judah and the Judeans in the Persian Period (ed. Oded Lipschits and Manfred Oeming; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2006), 655-658.
See John J. Collins, “The Zeal of Phinehas: the Bible and the legitimation of violence,” JBL 122 (2003): 12-13 for the manner in which Phinehas becomes the model during the Hellenistic period for Mattithias’ rebellion against the Seleucids and his willingness to employ violence in the defense of conformity to his perception of Israelite traditions (1 Macc 1:26).
As L. Daniel Hawk, Joshua (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2000), 227-229, notes, the underlying issues here are based on identity as members of the tribal community as well as the ability of these disparate groups to agree on what “constitutes obedience to Yhwh” and how they as tribes can remain a part of a communal whole.
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The social location of the village culture as portrayed in the Judges period provides no legitimate place or cultic role for Levites. Their occasional appearances, (aside from the artificial injection of Phinehas into the civil war narrative in Judg 20:27-28), simply reinforce that fact that they do not and cannot perform the tasks that are traditionally assigned to Levites in the monarchy period. Instead, they, like most other characters in Judges, are portrayed as flawed individuals, who have little stake in teaching about or ministering before Yahweh. It is more in character that they are willing to serve idols and to sacrifice others rather than speak the truth. This narrative is intentionally presented as a world-turned-upside-down and it would upset the balance of chaos for Levites to suddenly appear to rectify the situation.
| All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Abstract Views | 237 | 45 | 2 |
| Full Text Views | 60 | 2 | 0 |
| PDF Views & Downloads | 56 | 5 | 0 |