Colonialism and imperialism have enormous impact on every aspect of human life including languages, which is one of the significant markers of cultural identity. Often the colonial subjects had to face suppression of their languages by imposition of the language of the colonizers. When a language that has never been written down dies, it is as if it never existed. Imperialism or colonialism has always been at the heart of the murder of languages. The “linguistic imperialism” is not a modern phenomenon but it has been a reality throughout the history and all over the globe. The underlying reason for this sabotage is that the more linguistically coherent the society is, the easier it is to control. Take away a person’s language, and one robs them of the ability to express unique cultural concepts. The people in ancient Israel became one of the victims of this language incursion. This paper critically examines the impact of colonialism and imperialism on the gradual decline of Hebrew as spoken language during the Hellenistic period by analyzing the archaeological and epigraphic evidence as examples and illustrates the extent of the impact of “foreign” languages on Hebrew that eventually paved the way for its demise. The study further proves that colonialism and imperialism have been functioning throughout the history in a similar pattern to subjugate the “other,” and to exercise their power and interests over the “other.”
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E.g., A. Saenz-Badillos, A History of the Hebrew Language (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 112-201; and P.S. Alexander, “How Did the Rabbis Learn Hebrew?” In Hebrew Study from Ezra to Beh-Yehuda, edited by W. Horbury, 77-89 (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999).
Israel Eph’al, “Changes in Palestine during the Persian Period in Light of Epigraphic Sources,” Israel Exploration Journal 48: (1998): 106-119.
See the discussion in Saenz-Badillos, A History of the Hebrew Language, 72-74; and 193-95.
Schwartz, Hebrew and Imperialism in Jewish Palestine, 61. On Aramaic as the primary spoken language of Palestine, see Schürer, History 2, 20-28. For a survey of this matter, see J.C. Greenfield, “Aramaic in the Achaemenian Empire,” The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 2, ed. Ilya Gershevitch (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), 698-713. David Noy does a similar discussion on the choice of language based on his study among the Jews in Italy. David Noy, “Writing in Tongues: The Use of Greek, Latin and Hebrew in Jewish Inscriptions from Roman Italy,” Journal of Jewish Studies 48 (1997): 300-11. Also see L.V. Rutgers, The Jews in Late Ancient Rome: Evidence of Cultural Interaction in the Roman Diaspora, Religions in the Greco-Roman World 126 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 176-209.
Martin Hengel, “Der vorchristliche Paulus,” in Paulus und das antike Judentum, ed. Martin Hengel and U. Heckel (Tübingen: Mohr, 1991), 257-58. Also idem, “Jerusalem als Judische und hellenistische Stadt,” Judaica, hellenistica et christiana: Kleine Schriften II (Tübingen: Mohr, 1999), 147.
For e.g., see Baruch Lifshitz, “Jerusalem sous la domination romaine,” Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt 2, no. 8 (1977): 459. Also see Moses Hadas, Hellenistic Culture: Fusion and Diffusion (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1959), 36.
Levine, Judaism and Hellenism, 76. For a study of epigraphy, see R. MacMullen, “The Epigraphic Habit in the Roman Empire,” American Journal of Philology 103 (1982): 233-46.
van der Horst, “Greek in Jewish Palestine,” 159. He argues that the tombstones found at Beth Sheʿarim are not only of rabbis and public officers but also of merchants and artisans. Also see R. Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Land of Israel (Leiden: Brill, 1988), 103; and James Barr, “Hebrew, Aramaic and Greek,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism, vol. 2, The Hellenistic Age, edited by W.D. Davies and Louis Finkelstein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 102 with note 4.
VanderKam, “Greek at Qumran,” in Hellenism in the Land of Israel, 175.
See Emmanuel Tov, “Appendix III: A List of the Texts from the Judaean Desert,” in The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years: A Comprehensive Assessment, vol. 2 ed. P. Flint and James C. VanderKam (Leiden, Köln and Boston: Brill, 1999), 669-717. Most of these writings are dated back to second century bce to first century ce. VanderKam, “Greek at Qumran,” 178. Also see Louis H. Feldman, Judaism and Hellenism Reconsidered (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2006), 31-2.
L. Greenspoon, “The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Greek Bible,” in The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years, vol. 1, ed. Peter W. Flint and James C. VanderKam (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 113.
Y. Meshorer, Jewish Coins of the Second Temple Period (Tel Aviv: Am Hasefer, 1967), Plates ii/iii, nos. 5, 5a, 7, 8, 9; Schürer, History 1, 219-28, 603-4. The symbols appearing on the coins from the Hasmoneans period had non-living beings such as anchors, cornucopia, a wheel, star, or floral representation. No living beings or representation of sacred places was inscribed. This peculiar inscriptions are significant because one can see a dramatic change, a change from using religious symbols (Ex 25: 18-20; and 1 Kings 7: 44) to non-living and non-religious symbols, in the Hasmonean attitude. With few exceptions, this attitude continued until the late second century ce. For different views on this subject, see Boaz Cohen, “Art in Jewish Law,” Judaism 3 (1954): 167; M. Avi-Yonah, Oriental Art in Roman Palestine (Rome: University of Rome Press, 1961), 13-27; Morton Smith, “Goodenough’s ‘Jewish Symbols’ in Retrospect,” Journal of Biblical Literature 86 (1967):60; N. Avigad, Beth Sheʿarim, 277-78; G.J. Blidstein, “The Tannaim and Plastic Art: Problems and Prospects,” in Perspectives in Jewish Learning 5, ed. B.L. Sherwin (Chicago: Spertus College of Judaica Press, 1973), 22-23.
Hengel, The “Hellenization” of Judaea in the First Century after Christ, 8. These coins bore Herod’s royal title, together with a repertoire of contemporary symbols (e.g., tripod, diadem, wreath, and eagle). See Y. Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, vol. 2 (Dix Hills, ny: Amphora Books, 1982), 22-30.
For a discussion, see Y. Meshorer, Jewish Coins of the Second Temple Period (Tel Aviv: Am Hassefer, 1967); idem, Ancient Jewish Coinage, 2 vols. (New York: Amphora Books, 1982); idem, City Coins of Eretz Israel and the Decapolis (Jerusalem: Israel Museum, 1985); L. Mildenberg, “Yehud-Munzen,” in Palestina in vorhellenistischer Zeit, ed. H. Weippert (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1988), 721-28; Dan Barag, “Jewish Coins in Hellenistic and Roman Time,” in A Survey of Nuismatic Research, 1985-1990, vol. 1, ed. Tony Hackens et al. (Brussels: International Numismatic Commission, 1992), 106; and Andrew Meadows, “Money, Freedom, and Empire in the Hellenistic World,” in Money and Its Uses in the Hellenistic World, ed. Andrew Meadows and Kirsty Shipton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 53-64. Also see the remarks in J.C. Greekfield, “The Languages of Palestine, 200 BCE-200 CE,” in Jewish Languages: Theme and Variations, ed. H.H. Paper (Cambridge, ma: Association for Jewish Studies, 1978), 147. On seals, see the survey in Ephraim Stern, Material Culture in the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period (Warminster: Aris and Philips, 1982), 202-13.
Mussies, Greek in Palestine and the Diaspora, 1058; Fitzmyer, Languages of Palestine in the First Century A.D, 46; and van der Horst, “Greek in Jewish Palestine,” 166.
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Colonialism and imperialism have enormous impact on every aspect of human life including languages, which is one of the significant markers of cultural identity. Often the colonial subjects had to face suppression of their languages by imposition of the language of the colonizers. When a language that has never been written down dies, it is as if it never existed. Imperialism or colonialism has always been at the heart of the murder of languages. The “linguistic imperialism” is not a modern phenomenon but it has been a reality throughout the history and all over the globe. The underlying reason for this sabotage is that the more linguistically coherent the society is, the easier it is to control. Take away a person’s language, and one robs them of the ability to express unique cultural concepts. The people in ancient Israel became one of the victims of this language incursion. This paper critically examines the impact of colonialism and imperialism on the gradual decline of Hebrew as spoken language during the Hellenistic period by analyzing the archaeological and epigraphic evidence as examples and illustrates the extent of the impact of “foreign” languages on Hebrew that eventually paved the way for its demise. The study further proves that colonialism and imperialism have been functioning throughout the history in a similar pattern to subjugate the “other,” and to exercise their power and interests over the “other.”
All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 222 | 59 | 9 |
Full Text Views | 196 | 3 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 47 | 8 | 0 |