The Special Court for Sierra Leone’s conviction of former Liberian President Charles Taylor and its prosecution of perpetrators regardless of their political alignment have been hailed as milestones in the diffusion of international criminal justice norms. Yet what made these achievements possible were interventionist strategies by Western governments and international and regional institutions to defeat the rebellion in Sierra Leone and bring about regime change in Liberia. The broader lesson that should be drawn from this is that the prospects for prosecution in the aftermath of armed conflict are likely to be determined by the political strategies adopted by the international community to end the violence and that international criminal justice presumes an interventionist form of politics.
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Kingsley Moghalu, Global Justice: The Politics of War Crimes Trials (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2008), p. 124.
William A. Schabas, The UN International Criminal Tribunals: The former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 35.
Adekeye Adebajo, UN Peacekeeping in Africa: From the Suez Crisis to the Sudan Conflicts (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2011), p. 161
William Reno, Warfare in Independent Africa (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 182-184.
Lansana Gberie, A Dirty War in West Africa: The RUF and the Destruction of Sierra Leone (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 2005), p. 82.
Gberie, supra note 13, pp. 97-102.
Abraham, supra note 12, p. 216.
Adebajo, supra note 10, p. 149.
International Crisis Group, supra note 15, p. 7.
Abraham, supra note 12, pp. 217-218.
Berman and Labonte, supra note 17, p. 155.
Gberie, supra note 13, pp. 129-130.
‘Funmi Olonisakin, Peacekeeping in Sierra Leone: The Story of UNAMSIL (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2008), p. 33.
Julius Mutwol, Peace Agreements and Civil Wars in Africa: Insurgent Motivations, State Responses, and Third-Party Peacemaking in Liberia, Rwanda, and Sierra Leone (Amherst, New York: Cambria Press, 2009), p. 296.
International Crisis Group, supra note 15, p. 2.
Olonisakin, supra note 25, p. 40.
Human Rights Watch, supra note 7, pp. 57-61.
David Scheffer, All the Missing Souls: A Personal History of War Crimes Tribunals (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2012), p. 310.
Mutwol, supra note 26, pp. 297-300.
Hirsch, supra note 33, p. 528.
Mutwol, supra note 26, pp. 311-312
International Crisis Group, supra note 15, p. 20.
Olonisakin, supra note 25, p. 64.
Dorman, supra note 40, p. 94.
See Berman and Labonte, supra note 17, p. 162; Olonisakin, supra note 25, pp. 99-100.
David Keen, Conflict and Collusion in Sierra Leone (New York: Palgrave, 2005), p. 273.
Berman and Labonte, supra note 17, p. 181-182.
Olonisakin, supra note 25, p. 78.
Keen, supra note 44, p. 271.
Olonisakin, supra note 25, p. 93.
UN Security Council Resolution 1313, adopted 4 August 2000, paragraph 3(b).
Adebajo, supra note 10, p. 151.
Dorman, supra note 40, pp. 97-101.
Keen, supra note 44, p. 268.
International Crisis Group, supra note 59, p. 7.
Kelsall, supra note 6, p. 29.
Pham, supra note 5, p. 73.
Kelsall, supra note 6, pp. 63-64.
Cruvellier, supra note 64, p. 27.
Kelsall, supra note 6, p. 66.
Cruvellier, supra note 64, p. 25.
Human Rights Watch, supra note 69, p. 18.
Scheffer, supra note 32, p. 337.
Gberie, supra note 13, p. 213.
Crane, supra note 81, p. 209.
Jess Bravin, ‘A Prosecutor Vows No Deal with Thugs in Sierra Leone War’, Wall Street Journal, July 28, 2003, p. A1.
Moghalu, supra note 3, pp. 109-110; International Crisis Group, The Special Court for Sierra Leone, 4 August 2003, p. 7.
Hayner, supra note 89, pp. 25-26.
J. Peter Pham, Liberia: Portrait of a Failed State (New York: Reed Press, 2004), p. 187.
Hayner, supra note 89, p. 8.
Colin M. Waugh, Charles Taylor and Liberia: Ambition and Atrocity in Africa’s Lone Star State (London: Zed Books, 2011), pp. 267-268.
Moghalu, supra note 3, pp. 112-113.
Harris, supra note 70, p. 198.
Tejan-Cole, supra note 101, p. 217.
Tejan-Cole, supra note 101, p. 216.
Cryer, supra note 58, pp. 229-230.
Cryer, supra note 58, p. 230.
Scheffer, supra note 32, p. 307.
Penfold, supra note 57, p. 61.
Scheffer, supra note 32, p. 335.
James Sloan, The Militarisation of Peacekeeping in the Twenty-First Century (Oxford: Hart Publishers, 2011), p. 220.
International Crisis Group, supra note 98, p. 13.
Call, supra note 96, p. 363; Hayner, supra note 89, pp. 15-16.
Hayner, supra note 89, p. 17.
Steinberg, supra note 123, p. 138.
Aaron Weah, ‘Hopes and Uncertainties: Liberia’s Journey to End Impunity’, International Journal of Transitional Justice (2012), p. 6.
Waugh, supra note 97, pp. 328-329.
International Crisis Group, supra note 126, pp. 19-21.
Waugh, supra note 97, pp. 329-330.
Sikkink, The Justice Cascade: How Human Rights Prosecutions are Changing World Politics, (New York: W.W. Norton, 2011) pp. 232, 226.
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The Special Court for Sierra Leone’s conviction of former Liberian President Charles Taylor and its prosecution of perpetrators regardless of their political alignment have been hailed as milestones in the diffusion of international criminal justice norms. Yet what made these achievements possible were interventionist strategies by Western governments and international and regional institutions to defeat the rebellion in Sierra Leone and bring about regime change in Liberia. The broader lesson that should be drawn from this is that the prospects for prosecution in the aftermath of armed conflict are likely to be determined by the political strategies adopted by the international community to end the violence and that international criminal justice presumes an interventionist form of politics.
All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 337 | 78 | 7 |
Full Text Views | 146 | 5 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 62 | 6 | 0 |