See Toby E. Huff, Intellectual Curiosity and the Scientific Revolution: A Global Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 134, 142, and compare with Dan Diner, Lost in the Sacred: Why the Muslim World Stood Still (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009). Both Huff and Diner argue that the post-formative period of Muslim intellectual history was broadly characterized by stasis, and in doing so they echo the views of many Orientalists of the twentieth century. See Zachary Lockman Contending Visions of the Middle East (2nd edition) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 104-112, but also W. Montgomery Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology (New Brunswick: Aldine Transaction, 2009 [1962]), part four of which is entitled: “The Period of Darkness: 1250-1900.”

See Toby E. Huff, Intellectual Curiosity and the Scientific Revolution: A Global Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 134, 142, and compare with Dan Diner, Lost in the Sacred: Why the Muslim World Stood Still (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009). Both Huff and Diner argue that the post-formative period of Muslim intellectual history was broadly characterized by stasis, and in doing so they echo the views of many Orientalists of the twentieth century. See Zachary Lockman Contending Visions of the Middle East (2nd edition) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 104-112, but also W. Montgomery Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology (New Brunswick: Aldine Transaction, 2009 [1962]), part four of which is entitled: “The Period of Darkness: 1250-1900.”)| false
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See, for example, George Saliba, Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance (Boston: MIT Press, 2007).

See, for example, George Saliba, Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance (Boston: MIT Press, 2007).)| false
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See Kapil Raj, Relocating Modern Science: Circulation and the Construction of Knowledge in South Asia and Europe, 1650-1900 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), which can be productively read with Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, Refashioning Iran: Orientalism, Occidentalism, and Historiography (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2001). For a valuable examination of the role of trade and commerce in producing knowledge of the natural world, see Harold Cook, Matters of Exchange: Commerce, Medicine, and Science in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007).

See Kapil Raj, Relocating Modern Science: Circulation and the Construction of Knowledge in South Asia and Europe, 1650-1900 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), which can be productively read with Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, Refashioning Iran: Orientalism, Occidentalism, and Historiography (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2001). For a valuable examination of the role of trade and commerce in producing knowledge of the natural world, see Harold Cook, Matters of Exchange: Commerce, Medicine, and Science in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007).)| false
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See Samer Akkach, ʿAbd al-Ghanī al-Nābulusī: Islam and the Enlightenment (Oxford: Oneworld, 2007).

See Samer Akkach, ʿAbd al-Ghanī al-Nābulusī: Islam and the Enlightenment (Oxford: Oneworld, 2007).)| false
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See Jacques Berque, Al-Youssi: Problèmes de la culture marocaine au XVIIème siècle (Paris: Mouton & Co., 1958); Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1971), 29-35; ʿAbd al-Kabīr al-ʿAlawī al-Madgharī, al-Faqīh Abū ʿAlī al-Yūsī (Rabat: Wizārat al-awqāf wa’l-shuʾūn al-islāmiyya, 1989); Henry Munson Jr., Religion and Power in Morocco (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1993), 1-34; Kenneth Honerkamp, “al-Ḥasan ibn Masʿūd al-Yūsī,” in Essays in Arabic Literary Biography, 1350-1850 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2009), 410-19. Munson provides a close reading of al-Yūsi’s letter to Moulay Ismāʿīl in Religion and Power in Morocco, 27-31.

See Jacques Berque, Al-Youssi: Problèmes de la culture marocaine au XVIIème siècle (Paris: Mouton & Co., 1958); Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1971), 29-35; ʿAbd al-Kabīr al-ʿAlawī al-Madgharī, al-Faqīh Abū ʿAlī al-Yūsī (Rabat: Wizārat al-awqāf wa’l-shuʾūn al-islāmiyya, 1989); Henry Munson Jr., Religion and Power in Morocco (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1993), 1-34; Kenneth Honerkamp, “al-Ḥasan ibn Masʿūd al-Yūsī,” in Essays in Arabic Literary Biography, 1350-1850 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2009), 410-19. Munson provides a close reading of al-Yūsi’s letter to Moulay Ismāʿīl in Religion and Power in Morocco, 27-31.)| false
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See especially Khaled El-Rouayheb, “Sunni Muslim Scholars on the Status of Logic, 1500-1800,” Islamic Law and Society 11 (2004), 213-32, and idem, “Was there a Revival of Logical Studies in Eighteenth-Century Egypt?” Die Welt des Islams 45 (2005), 1-19.

See especially Khaled El-Rouayheb, “Sunni Muslim Scholars on the Status of Logic, 1500-1800,” Islamic Law and Society 11 (2004), 213-32, and idem, “Was there a Revival of Logical Studies in Eighteenth-Century Egypt?” Die Welt des Islams 45 (2005), 1-19.)| false
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See Justin Stearns, “Writing the History of the Natural Sciences in the Pre-modern Muslim world: Historiography, Religion, and the Importance of the Early Modern Period,” History Compass, v. 9 (2011), 923-51.

See Justin Stearns, “Writing the History of the Natural Sciences in the Pre-modern Muslim world: Historiography, Religion, and the Importance of the Early Modern Period,” History Compass, v. 9 (2011), 923-51.)| false
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See al-Yūsī, Fahrasat al-Yūsī (Casablanca: Dār al-Furqān, 2004), 121-3, 126, 139.

See al-Yūsī, Fahrasat al-Yūsī (Casablanca: Dār al-Furqān, 2004), 121-3, 126, 139.)| false
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Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn (Rabat: Maṭbaʿat Shālat al-Ribāṭ, 1998), 146. Al-Yūsī defines philosophical knowledge as follows: “We say that knowledge is either desired for itself or for other than itself. The first of these is first philosophy (al-falsafa al-ʿūlā), the aim of which is the perfection of the rational animal, and to attain the true meanings of things through exertion. It is either theoretical or practical. The first is either absolute and abstract (mujarrad ʿan al-mādda muṭlaqan) and it is knowledge of the divine (al-ʿilm al-ilahī), or it is only in the mind, and this is mathematical knowledge (al-ʿilm al-riyāḍī ) or it is bound to matter, and this is natural science (al-ʿilm al-ṭabiʿī). The second is related to a person’s self … and is called the politics of the self and ethics …” (Ibid., 146). Only after completing a final draft of this article did I find a reference in a review article by Michael Brett to Jacques Berque’s discussion of this passage of al-Qānūn in his L’intérieur du Maghreb, XVe-XIXe siècle (Paris: Gallimard, 1978), 366-7. I hope to include Berque’s observations more fully in future work on al-Yūsī. See Michael Brett, “Jacques Berque and the history of the Maghreb,” The Maghreb Review 4 (1979), 140-8, here at 143.

Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn (Rabat: Maṭbaʿat Shālat al-Ribāṭ, 1998), 146. Al-Yūsī defines philosophical knowledge as follows: “We say that knowledge is either desired for itself or for other than itself. The first of these is first philosophy (al-falsafa al-ʿūlā), the aim of which is the perfection of the rational animal, and to attain the true meanings of things through exertion. It is either theoretical or practical. The first is either absolute and abstract (mujarrad ʿan al-mādda muṭlaq ^an) and it is knowledge of the divine (al-ʿilm al-ilahī), or it is only in the mind, and this is mathematical knowledge (al-ʿilm al-riyāḍī ) or it is bound to matter, and this is natural science (al-ʿilm al-ṭabiʿī). The second is related to a person’s self … and is called the politics of the self and ethics …” (Ibid., 146). Only after completing a final draft of this article did I find a reference in a review article by Michael Brett to Jacques Berque’s discussion of this passage of al-Qānūn in his L’intérieur du Maghreb, XVe-XIXe siècle (Paris: Gallimard, 1978), 366-7. I hope to include Berque’s observations more fully in future work on al-Yūsī. See Michael Brett, “Jacques Berque and the history of the Maghreb,” The Maghreb Review 4 (1979), 140-8, here at 143.)| false
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Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 155. Strikingly, al-Yūsī permits the study of magic (siḥr), though solely for the purpose of recognizing it and knowing how to protect oneself from it (Ibid., 161, cp. Fahrasat al-Yūsī, 76). For earlier divisions of the sciences that al-Yūsī may well have been drawing on (although without acknowledgement), see Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, 3 vols., Franz Rosenthal, trans. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), v. 2, 436, Aḥmad b. Muṣṭafā Tāshkubrīzādah, Miftāḥ al-saʿāda wa misbāḥ al-siyāda fi mawḍūʿāt al-ʿulūm 4 vols, (Cairo: Dār al-Kutub al-Ḥadītha, 1968), 1: 371-5, and Ibn al-Akfānī, Irshād al-qāṣid ilā asnā al-maqāṣid fī anwāʿ al-ʿulūm (Cairo: Dār al-Fikr al-ʿArabī, 1990), 190. Contrast these with al-Farabi’s much earlier Iḥsāʾ al-ʿUlūm (Beirut: Dār wa Maktabat al-Hilāl, 1996), 67-74. For overviews of the categorizations of the sciences in Islamicate thought, see the sources given in Stearns, “Writing the History of the Natural Sciences in the pre-modern Muslim world,” 30-1. A useful discussion of al-sīmiyāʾ can be found in Pierre Lory, La Science des Lettres en Islam (Paris: Éditions Dervy, 2004), 37-44, but cp. Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah,v. 3, 171-227.

Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 155. Strikingly, al-Yūsī permits the study of magic (siḥr), though solely for the purpose of recognizing it and knowing how to protect oneself from it (Ibid., 161, cp. Fahrasat al-Yūsī, 76). For earlier divisions of the sciences that al-Yūsī may well have been drawing on (although without acknowledgement), see Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah, 3 vols., Franz Rosenthal, trans. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), v. 2, 436, Aḥmad b. Muṣṭafā Tāshkubrīzādah, Miftāḥ al-saʿāda wa misbāḥ al-siyāda fi mawḍūʿāt al-ʿulūm 4 vols, (Cairo: Dār al-Kutub al-Ḥadītha, 1968), 1: 371-5, and Ibn al-Akfānī, Irshād al-qāṣid ilā asnā al-maqāṣid fī anwāʿ al-ʿulūm (Cairo: Dār al-Fikr al-ʿArabī, 1990), 190. Contrast these with al-Farabi’s much earlier Iḥsāʾ al-ʿUlūm (Beirut: Dār wa Maktabat al-Hilāl, 1996), 67-74. For overviews of the categorizations of the sciences in Islamicate thought, see the sources given in Stearns, “Writing the History of the Natural Sciences in the pre-modern Muslim world,” 30-1. A useful discussion of al-sīmiyāʾ can be found in Pierre Lory, La Science des Lettres en Islam (Paris: Éditions Dervy, 2004), 37-44, but cp. Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah,v. 3, 171-227.)| false
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Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 176.

Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 176. )| false
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Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 177.

Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 177.)| false
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Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 177. See also al-Yūsī, Fahrasat al-Yūsī, 76.

Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 177. See also al-Yūsī, Fahrasat al-Yūsī, 76.)| false
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See Khaled El-Rouayhab, “Sunni Muslim Scholars on the Status of Logic, 1500-1800,” 223-4. Compare with al-Yūsī, Ḥawāshī al-Yūsī ʿalā sharḥ kubrā al-Sanūsī 2 vols. (Casablanca: Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Furqān, 2008/2012), v. 1, 279-85.

See Khaled El-Rouayhab, “Sunni Muslim Scholars on the Status of Logic, 1500-1800,” 223-4. Compare with al-Yūsī, Ḥawāshī al-Yūsī ʿalā sharḥ kubrā al-Sanūsī 2 vols. (Casablanca: Maṭbaʿat Dār al-Furqān, 2008/2012), v. 1, 279-85.)| false
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See al-Yūsī, Ḥawāshī al-Yūsī ʿalā sharḥ kubrā al-Sanūsī, v. 2, 380.

See al-Yūsī, Ḥawāshī al-Yūsī ʿalā sharḥ kubrā al-Sanūsī, v. 2, 380.)| false
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See al-Yūsī, Ḥawāshī al-Yūsī ʿalā sharḥ kubrā al-Sanūsī, v. 2, 380-81.

See al-Yūsī, Ḥawāshī al-Yūsī ʿalā sharḥ kubrā al-Sanūsī, v. 2, 380-81.)| false
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See Sonja Brentjes, “Courtly Patronage of the Ancient Sciences in Post-Classical Islamic Societies,” Al-Qantara 29 (2008), 403-36; eadem, “Reflections on the Role of the Exact Sciences in Islamic Culture and Education between the Twelfth and the Fifteenth Centuries,” 15-33, in Mohammed Abattouy (ed.), Études d’Histoire des Sciences Arabes (Casablanca: Fondation du Roi Abdul-Aziz, 2007); eadem, “Orthodoxy”, Ancient Sciences, Power, and the Madrasa (“college”) in Ayyubid and early Mamluk Damascus (Berlin: Max-Planck-Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Preprint no. 77, 1997).

See Sonja Brentjes, “Courtly Patronage of the Ancient Sciences in Post-Classical Islamic Societies,” Al-Qantara 29 (2008), 403-36; eadem, “Reflections on the Role of the Exact Sciences in Islamic Culture and Education between the Twelfth and the Fifteenth Centuries,” 15-33, in Mohammed Abattouy (ed.), Études d’Histoire des Sciences Arabes (Casablanca: Fondation du Roi Abdul-Aziz, 2007); eadem, “Orthodoxy”, Ancient Sciences, Power, and the Madrasa (“college”) in Ayyubid and early Mamluk Damascus (Berlin: Max-Planck-Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Preprint no. 77, 1997).)| false
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Al-Ḥudaygī, Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥudaygī, v. 1, 307-09. On al-Rudānī see especially ʿAbdallāh b. Muḥammad al-ʿAyyāshī, Riḥlat al-ʿAyyāshī 1661-1663, ed. Saʿīd al-Faḍlī and Sulaymān al-Qarshī, 2 vols. (Abu Dhabi: Dār al-suwayd l’l-nashr wa’l-tawzīʿa) 2: 43-60. The treatise on the astrolabe he constructed was translated by Charles Pellat, “L’astrolabe sphérique d’ar-Rūdānī,” Bulletin d’études orientales 28 (1975), 83-165.

Al-Ḥudaygī, Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥudaygī, v. 1, 307-09. On al-Rudānī see especially ʿAbdallāh b. Muḥammad al-ʿAyyāshī, Riḥlat al-ʿAyyāshī 1661-1663, ed. Saʿīd al-Faḍlī and Sulaymān al-Qarshī, 2 vols. (Abu Dhabi: Dār al-suwayd l’l-nashr wa’l-tawzīʿa) 2: 43-60. The treatise on the astrolabe he constructed was translated by Charles Pellat, “L’astrolabe sphérique d’ar-Rūdānī,” Bulletin d’études orientales 28 (1975), 83-165.)| false
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Tim Winter, “Introduction,” in The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology, ed. Tim Winter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 1-18, here at 5. See, however, Delfina Serrano, “Later Ashʿarism in the Islamic West” in S. Schmidtke (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Islamic Theology (forthcoming). I am grateful to the author for sharing an advance copy of this chapter with me.

Tim Winter, “Introduction,” in The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology, ed. Tim Winter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 1-18, here at 5. See, however, Delfina Serrano, “Later Ashʿarism in the Islamic West” in S. Schmidtke (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Islamic Theology (forthcoming). I am grateful to the author for sharing an advance copy of this chapter with me.)| false
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See Daniel Gimaret, Théories de l’acte humain en théologie musulmane (Paris: J. Vrin, 1980), 234. An exception to the trend of neglecting the importance of al-Sanūsī is Joseph P. Kenny, “Muslim Theology as presented by M. b. Yūsuf as-Sanūsī especially in his Al-ʿAqīda al-wusṭā,” Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, PhD Thesis, 1970. See also the forthcoming chapter of Delfina Serrano, cited above, on later developments in Ashʿarism, for a more developed contextualization of al-Sanūsī.

See Daniel Gimaret, Théories de l’acte humain en théologie musulmane (Paris: J. Vrin, 1980), 234. An exception to the trend of neglecting the importance of al-Sanūsī is Joseph P. Kenny, “Muslim Theology as presented by M. b. Yūsuf as-Sanūsī especially in his Al-ʿAqīda al-wusṭā,” Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, PhD Thesis, 1970. See also the forthcoming chapter of Delfina Serrano, cited above, on later developments in Ashʿarism, for a more developed contextualization of al-Sanūsī.)| false
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See Ibn Khaldūn, al-Muqaddimah, v. 3, 52. See also Stearns, Infectious Ideas, 124, and Robert Wisnovsky, “Philosophy and theology: Islam,” in R. Pasnau, ed., The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 698-706

See Ibn Khaldūn, al-Muqaddimah, v. 3, 52. See also Stearns, Infectious Ideas, 124, and Robert Wisnovsky, “Philosophy and theology: Islam,” in R. Pasnau, ed., The Cambridge History of Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 698-706)| false
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See especially Robert Wisnovsky, “One Aspect of the Avicennian Turn in Sunni Theology,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14 (2004), 65-100; Ayman Shihadeh, “From al-Ghazālī to al-Rāzī: 6th/12th Century Developments in Muslim Philosophical Theology,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 15 (2005), 141-79; Frank Griffel, “Al-Ġazālī’s Concept of Prophecy: The Introduction of Avicennian Psychology into Aš‘arite Theology,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14 (2004), 141-79.

See especially Robert Wisnovsky, “One Aspect of the Avicennian Turn in Sunni Theology,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14 (2004), 65-100; Ayman Shihadeh, “From al-Ghazālī to al-Rāzī: 6th/12th Century Developments in Muslim Philosophical Theology,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 15 (2005), 141-79; Frank Griffel, “Al-Ġazālī’s Concept of Prophecy: The Introduction of Avicennian Psychology into Aš‘arite Theology,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14 (2004), 141-79.)| false
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Wisnovsky, “One Aspect of the Avicennian Turn,” 100.

Wisnovsky, “One Aspect of the Avicennian Turn,” 100.)| false
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See Griffel, Al-Ghazālī’s Philosophical Theology, 236-41. For an overview of the debate on al-Ghazālī and causality, as well as a brief overview of the role of causality see the literature cited in Stearns, Infectious Ideas, 180-2. Griffel had already observed that our perception of the lack of influence of al-Ghazālī’s understanding of causality on his contemporaries may have much to do with many of the relevant sources remaining unedited or lost. See Griffel’s review of Rudolph and Perler’s Occasionalismus in ZDMG 152 (2002), 405-08.

See Griffel, Al-Ghazālī’s Philosophical Theology, 236-41. For an overview of the debate on al-Ghazālī and causality, as well as a brief overview of the role of causality see the literature cited in Stearns, Infectious Ideas, 180-2. Griffel had already observed that our perception of the lack of influence of al-Ghazālī’s understanding of causality on his contemporaries may have much to do with many of the relevant sources remaining unedited or lost. See Griffel’s review of Rudolph and Perler’s Occasionalismus in ZDMG 152 (2002), 405-08.)| false
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Akkach, Letters of a Sufi Scholar, 73. Al-Nābulusī identifies the passage as coming from the 292nd chapter of the Futuḥāt.

Akkach, Letters of a Sufi Scholar, 73. Al-Nābulusī identifies the passage as coming from the 292nd chapter of the Futuḥāt. )| false
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See Ibid., 85-86. The example given here is that of Q41:11.

See Ibid., 100. This metaphor is confusing, for it assumes that the lord’s men do not themselves have free will and are not responsible for their actions. Al-Sanūsī uses a similar metaphor when trying to explain causality. See Stearns, Infectious Ideas, 128-29, and Barry Kogan’s discussion of al-Ghazālī use of a a metaphor of this kind (Kogan, Averroes and the Metaphysics of Causation, 90).

Akkach, ʿAbd al-Ghanī al-Nābulusī, 88.

Akkach, ʿAbd al-Ghanī al-Nābulusī, 88.)| false
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Al-Yūsī, Mashrab al-ʿāmm wa’l-khāṣṣ, 1: 434. I am grateful to the first anonymous reviewer for his suggestions on how to translate this passage. In passing it is worth noting that al-Yūsī expressly rejects emanationism as it violates God’s status as the only necessary existent and the active creator of everything (See al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 147).

Al-Yūsī, Mashrab al-ʿāmm wa’l-khāṣṣ, 1: 434. I am grateful to the first anonymous reviewer for his suggestions on how to translate this passage. In passing it is worth noting that al-Yūsī expressly rejects emanationism as it violates God’s status as the only necessary existent and the active creator of everything (See al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 147).)| false
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Al-Yūsī, Mashrab al-ʿāmm wa’l-khāṣṣ, 1: 448-9. Compare with Ibid., 1: 463-4.

Al-Yūsī, Mashrab al-ʿāmm wa’l-khāṣṣ, 1: 448-9. Compare with Ibid., 1: 463-4.)| false
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See Al-Yūsī, Mashrab al-ʿāmm wa’l-khāṣṣ, v. 2, 97-99.

See Al-Yūsī, Mashrab al-ʿāmm wa’l-khāṣṣ, v. 2, 97-99.)| false
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Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 147.

Al-Yūsī, al-Qānūn, 147.)| false
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See Berque, Al-Yousi, 10.

See Berque, Al-Yousi, 10.)| false
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See Aḥmad Zarrūq, Sharḥ Ḥikam Ibn ʿAṭāʾallāh (Cairo: Dār al-Shaʿb, 1969), 469. The quote from Zarrūq referred to the following passage, presumably describing the spiritual state of the masses who fail to recognize God being the only Actor (in Victor Danner’s English translation): “He sees generosity as coming from mankind and does not contemplate it as coming from the Lord of the Universe, either out of conviction, in which case his associationism is evident, or else out of dependence, in which case his associationism is hidden.” (Ibn ʿAṭaʾāllah, The Book of Wisdom/Khwaja Abdullah Ansari, Intimate Conversations [trans. Victor Danner and Wheeler M. Thackston] (New York: Paulist Press, 1978), 114). Compare with the French translation in Paul Nwyia, Ibn ʿAṭaʾAllāh (m. 709/1309) et la naissance de la confrerie šāḏilite (Beirut: Dar El-Machreq, 1971), 196-97. The Ḥikam was frequently commented on, but Zarrūq’s reference to ḥikma (wisdom) in his commentary on this verse is not paralleled in Ibn ʿAbbād al-Rūndī’s (d. 792/1390) earlier gloss (Ibn ʿAbbād al-Rūndī, Ghayth al-mawāhib al-ʿalīya fī sharḥ al-ḥikam al-aṭʿiyya, 2 vols. (Cairo: Dār al-Kutub al-Ḥadītha, 1970), 2: 208, though it is given extensive discussion in the century after al-Yūsī by Aḥmad Ibn ʿAjība (d. 1224/1809), in his Iqāẓ al-himam fī sharḥ al-ḥikam maʿ al-futuḥāt al-ilāhiyya fī sharḥ al-mabāḥith al-aṣliyya (S.l., Dar al-Fikr, N.D.), 385-9. For al-Yūsī’s familiarity with Zarrūq’s commentary see al-Yūsī, Fahrasat al-Yūsī, 140. I am grateful to Khaled El-Rouayheb for suggesting that I look at the commentaries on the work of Ibn ʿAṭāʾallāh.

See Aḥmad Zarrūq, Sharḥ Ḥikam Ibn ʿAṭāʾallāh (Cairo: Dār al-Shaʿb, 1969), 469. The quote from Zarrūq referred to the following passage, presumably describing the spiritual state of the masses who fail to recognize God being the only Actor (in Victor Danner’s English translation): “He sees generosity as coming from mankind and does not contemplate it as coming from the Lord of the Universe, either out of conviction, in which case his associationism is evident, or else out of dependence, in which case his associationism is hidden.” (Ibn ʿAṭaʾāllah, The Book of Wisdom/Khwaja Abdullah Ansari, Intimate Conversations [trans. Victor Danner and Wheeler M. Thackston] (New York: Paulist Press, 1978), 114). Compare with the French translation in Paul Nwyia, Ibn ʿAṭaʾAllāh (m. 709/1309) et la naissance de la confrerie šāḏilite (Beirut: Dar El-Machreq, 1971), 196-97. The Ḥikam was frequently commented on, but Zarrūq’s reference to ḥikma (wisdom) in his commentary on this verse is not paralleled in Ibn ʿAbbād al-Rūndī’s (d. 792/1390) earlier gloss (Ibn ʿAbbād al-Rūndī, Ghayth al-mawāhib al-ʿalīya fī sharḥ al-ḥikam al-aṭʿiyya, 2 vols. (Cairo: Dār al-Kutub al-Ḥadītha, 1970), 2: 208, though it is given extensive discussion in the century after al-Yūsī by Aḥmad Ibn ʿAjība (d. 1224/1809), in his Iqāẓ al-himam fī sharḥ al-ḥikam maʿ al-futuḥāt al-ilāhiyya fī sharḥ al-mabāḥith al-aṣliyya (S.l., Dar al-Fikr, N.D.), 385-9. For al-Yūsī’s familiarity with Zarrūq’s commentary see al-Yūsī, Fahrasat al-Yūsī, 140. I am grateful to Khaled El-Rouayheb for suggesting that I look at the commentaries on the work of Ibn ʿAṭāʾallāh.)| false
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