F. de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics (trans. W. Baskin; London: Peter Owen Limited, 1959), 117.

F. de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics (trans. W. Baskin; London: Peter Owen Limited, 1959), 117.)| false
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W. Croft, “The Role of Domains in the Interpretation of Metaphors and Metonymies,” in Metaphor and Metonymy in Comparison and Contrast (eds. R. Dirven and R. Pörings; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2003), 163.

W. Croft, “The Role of Domains in the Interpretation of Metaphors and Metonymies,” in Metaphor and Metonymy in Comparison and Contrast (eds. R. Dirven and R. Pörings; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2003), 163.)| false
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Ibid., p. 46.

See M. Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University, 1992), 221; idem, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University, 2002), 501.

See M. Sokoloff, A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University, 1992), 221; idem, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University, 2002), 501.)| false
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B. Pongratz-Leisten, “Reflections on the Translatability of the Notion of Holiness,” in Of God(s), Kings, Trees, and Scholars: Neo-Assyrian and Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola (Studia Orientalia 106; eds. M. Luukko et al.; Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society, 2009), 422; M. Guichard and L. Marti, “Purity in Ancient Mesopotamia: The Paleo-Babylonian and Neo Assyrian Periods” in Purity and the Forming of Religious Traditions in the Ancient Mediterranean and Ancient Judaism (eds. C. Frevel and C. Nihan; Leiden: Brill, 2013), 51, 62; W. Sallaberger, “Reinheit. A. Mesopotamien,” RlA 11: 295. Contra E. Jan Wilson, “Holiness” and “Purity” in Mesopotamia (aoat 237; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker, 1994), 80, who argues that kug “is never demonstrably devoid of its religious sense” (his emphasis).

B. Pongratz-Leisten, “Reflections on the Translatability of the Notion of Holiness,” in Of God(s), Kings, Trees, and Scholars: Neo-Assyrian and Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola (Studia Orientalia 106; eds. M. Luukko et al.; Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society, 2009), 422; M. Guichard and L. Marti, “Purity in Ancient Mesopotamia: The Paleo-Babylonian and Neo Assyrian Periods” in Purity and the Forming of Religious Traditions in the Ancient Mediterranean and Ancient Judaism (eds. C. Frevel and C. Nihan; Leiden: Brill, 2013), 51, 62; W. Sallaberger, “Reinheit. A. Mesopotamien,” RlA 11: 295. Contra E. Jan Wilson, “Holiness” and “Purity” in Mesopotamia (aoat 237; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker, 1994), 80, who argues that kug “is never demonstrably devoid of its religious sense” (his emphasis).)| false
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See R. Frankel, Wine and Oil Production in Antiquity in Israel and Other Mediterranean Countries (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1999), 47–48; P.J. King and L.E. Stager, Life in Biblical Israel (Louisville; Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), 96.

See R. Frankel, Wine and Oil Production in Antiquity in Israel and Other Mediterranean Countries (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1999), 47–48; P.J. King and L.E. Stager, Life in Biblical Israel (Louisville; Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), 96.)| false
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J.G. Dercksen, The Old Assyrian Copper Trade in Anatolia (Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 1996), 36, 213.

J.G. Dercksen, The Old Assyrian Copper Trade in Anatolia (Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 1996), 36, 213.)| false
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Text: Ada Taggar-Cohen, Hittite Priesthood (Texte der Hethiter 26; Heidelberg: Winter, 2006), 67–8 (my translation). For similar passages, see IV, 32–3 and 69–77.

Text: Ada Taggar-Cohen, Hittite Priesthood (Texte der Hethiter 26; Heidelberg: Winter, 2006), 67–8 (my translation). For similar passages, see IV, 32–3 and 69–77.)| false
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Text: M. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor (Second Edition; Atlanta: SBL, 1997), 81 (with slight adaptation). For a comparable use of zakû, see cad Z 26.

Text: M. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor (Second Edition; Atlanta: SBL, 1997), 81 (with slight adaptation). For a comparable use of zakû, see cad Z 26.)| false
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See E. van Wolde, Reframing Biblical Studies: When Language and Text Meet Culture, Cognition and Context (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2009), 260; see also 216 for a similar interpretation of Lev 18:20, 23 and 261–62 for the defilement of the land. For a comparable view of Deut 24:1–4, see S.M. Olyan, Rites and Rank: Hierarchy in Biblical Representations of Cult (Princeton: Princeton University, 2000), 59. For a critique of the latter, see C.E. Hayes, Gentile Impurities and Jewish Identities: Intermarriage and Conversion from the Bible to the Talmud (Oxford: Oxford University, 2002), 22–24.

See E. van Wolde, Reframing Biblical Studies: When Language and Text Meet Culture, Cognition and Context (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2009), 260; see also 216 for a similar interpretation of Lev 18:20, 23 and 261–62 for the defilement of the land. For a comparable view of Deut 24:1–4, see S.M. Olyan, Rites and Rank: Hierarchy in Biblical Representations of Cult (Princeton: Princeton University, 2000), 59. For a critique of the latter, see C.E. Hayes, Gentile Impurities and Jewish Identities: Intermarriage and Conversion from the Bible to the Talmud (Oxford: Oxford University, 2002), 22–24.)| false
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Text: Taggar-Cohen, Hittite Priesthood, 41; translation mine.

Text: Taggar-Cohen, Hittite Priesthood, 41; translation mine.)| false
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See van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction, 21–36; Feder, “Contagion and Cognition,” 165.

See van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction, 21–36; Feder, “Contagion and Cognition,” 165.)| false
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See H. Limet, Le travail du metal au pays de Sumer au temps de la IIIe dynastie d’Ur (Paris: Les belles lettres, 1960), 46–47; Moorey, ibid., 233, 237. See also Th. Sturm, “kaspum ammurum: ein Begriff der Silbermeallurgie in den Kültepe-Texten,” UF 27 (1995): 487–504. For a general survey, see X. Ouyang, Monetary Role of Silver and its Administration in the Ur III Period (c. 2112–2004 BCE): A Case Study of the Umma Province (bpoa 11; Madrid: csic 2013), 17–21. Even though silver was used generically as a means of exchange and payment (without explicit differentiation between different levels of purity), it is probable that only relatively pure silver could serve as a medium of exchange (Powell, “Price Fluctuations,” 79–80). The question of whether the process of cupellation for separating silver from base metals was known in Mesopotamia before the Persian period remains a point of contention (see King and Stager, Life in Biblical Israel, 173–74), but it is clear that technical processes existed for refining silver at the turn of the 2nd mil. b.c.e., if not earlier. For example, the oa Kaneš letters document the loss of weight due to the refinement of silver; see K.R. Veenhof, Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and its Terminology (Leiden: Brill, 1972), 46–51. For comparable examples with gold, see ea 7:71–72; 10:16–24.

See H. Limet, Le travail du metal au pays de Sumer au temps de la IIIe dynastie d’Ur (Paris: Les belles lettres, 1960), 46–47; Moorey, ibid., 233, 237. See also Th. Sturm, “kaspum ammurum: ein Begriff der Silbermeallurgie in den Kültepe-Texten,” UF 27 (1995): 487–504. For a general survey, see X. Ouyang, Monetary Role of Silver and its Administration in the Ur III Period (c. 2112–2004 BCE): A Case Study of the Umma Province (bpoa 11; Madrid: csic 2013), 17–21. Even though silver was used generically as a means of exchange and payment (without explicit differentiation between different levels of purity), it is probable that only relatively pure silver could serve as a medium of exchange (Powell, “Price Fluctuations,” 79–80). The question of whether the process of cupellation for separating silver from base metals was known in Mesopotamia before the Persian period remains a point of contention (see King and Stager, Life in Biblical Israel, 173–74), but it is clear that technical processes existed for refining silver at the turn of the 2nd mil. b.c.e., if not earlier. For example, the oa Kaneš letters document the loss of weight due to the refinement of silver; see K.R. Veenhof, Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and its Terminology (Leiden: Brill, 1972), 46–51. For comparable examples with gold, see ea 7:71–72; 10:16–24.)| false
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See S.Z. Aster, The Unbeatable Light: Melammu and its Biblical Parallels (Münster: Ugarit Verlag, 2012).

See S.Z. Aster, The Unbeatable Light: Melammu and its Biblical Parallels (Münster: Ugarit Verlag, 2012).)| false
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J. Gonda, The Functions and Significance of Gold in the Veda (Leiden: Brill, 1991), 47, who also cites Greek parallels.

J. Gonda, The Functions and Significance of Gold in the Veda (Leiden: Brill, 1991), 47, who also cites Greek parallels.)| false
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S. Schott, Kanais: Der Tempel Sethos (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1961), 150, 169–70.

S. Schott, Kanais: Der Tempel Sethos (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1961), 150, 169–70.)| false
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See, e.g., A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (Oxford: Oxford University, 1986), 182; W. Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1998), 12, 66. Interestingly, these works describe different types of wood (tamarisk, mēsu) as the “flesh of the gods” (Livingstone, ibid., 106), not gold (cf. the Egyptian texts in the previous note), but this difference may stem from economic rather than cosmological reasons.

See, e.g., A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (Oxford: Oxford University, 1986), 182; W. Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1998), 12, 66. Interestingly, these works describe different types of wood (tamarisk, mēsu) as the “flesh of the gods” (Livingstone, ibid., 106), not gold (cf. the Egyptian texts in the previous note), but this difference may stem from economic rather than cosmological reasons.)| false
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L. Koehler and W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testament Libros (Leiden: Brill, 1958), xiv.

L. Koehler and W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testament Libros (Leiden: Brill, 1958), xiv.)| false
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