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Western military historians often describe the Chinese “way of war” as emphasizing a gradualist military strategy, tending to avoid battle except when victory was assured, and preferring to use subterfuge, maneuver, or psychological means to defeat the enemy without actually fighting. The roots of this understanding of the Chinese way of war lie in selective readings of Sunzi’s Art of War and Mao Zedong’s writings on guerrilla warfare. The record of Chinese Communist operations in China’s Northeast (Manchuria) from 1945 through 1948 instead suggests a Chinese approach to war that is characterized not only by close attention to strategy and maneuver, but also by a preference for offensive operations leading to the ultimate destruction of the enemy in battles of annihilation. In the Northeast theater of China’s civil war we also see that the Communist forces had to go through a process of transformation before they were able to carry out large-scale maneuvers, deploy overwhelming firepower, and conduct large-scale operations or campaigns of annihilation. In order to gain victory, the Chinese Communist forces in the Northeast under Lin Biao’s command had to make the transition from guerrilla to conventional warfare, including the ability to attack cities. This transformation was achieved through a combination of factors: critical assessment of battlefield performance, incorporation of new weapons and equipment, and techniques of staff work. This suggests that any workable understanding of Chinese ways of war must go beyond cultural determinism to take account of the Chinese military’s flexibility and capacity for learning.
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Fairbank 1974, 25.
In Sawyer 1993, 161.
Keegan 1997, 202.
Murawiec 2005, 2-3.
Fairbank 1974, 25.
Fairbank 1974, 11.
Fairbank 1974, 11.
Waldron 1997, 39.
Ryan et al. 2003, 9-10. Pangelinan 2010, 78-86.
Mao Zedong, quoted in Zhang 1991, 101; Chen Yi, “Zongxu” [General Introduction], in Dong 1998, 3.
Zhang 1991, 184; Li 2011, vol. 1, 182.
Liu 2004, 613-21; Zhonggong zhongyang dangshi ziliao zhengji weiyuanhui 1987, vol. 2, 738-39.
Liu 2004, 641.
Li 2007, 72.
Mao 2000, 42.
Mao 2000, 42.
Mao 2000, 113.
Li Yunchang, quoted in Liu 2004, 65.
Zhang 1991, 128.
Lin Biao, quoted in Liu 2004, 472-73.
Zhang 1991, 274.
Liu 2004, 468.
Zhang 1991, 274.
Yang 1999, 184.
Liu 2000, 79.
Yang 2001, 285-306.
Yang 2001, 295-98.
Wetzel 1972, 174-75; The Chargé in China (Robertson) to the Secretary of State, Chungking, 9 October 1945, in U.S. Department of State 1967-69, vol. 7, 578-79.
Yang and Bai 1986; Duan 1994, 8-9.
Yang 2001, 293-94.
Duan 1994, 10-12.
Tanner 2010, 158.
Lin Biao, quoted in Zhang 1991, 328.
Ebon 1970, 168.
Ebon 1970, 170.
Liao 1998, 202.
Liu 2004, 607.
Lorge 2010, 24.
Citino 2005, xiv; Weigley 1973; May 2007.
For example, see Citino 2005, xiv.
Lorge 2010, 24. Lorge’s comments were directed toward the use of “culture” to explain “ways of war.” I have stretched his critique to include geographic determinist approaches.
Echevarria 2004, 2.
Echevarria 2004, 2.
Skaff 2009, 166.
May 2007, 113-14.
Perdue 2005; Dai 2001, 35-90; Hostetler 2001; Theobald 2010, 12.
Skaff 2009, 170. Skaff’s reference is to David A. Graff, “Early T’ang Generalship and the Textual Tradition” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1995), 553-54.
The Kangxi Emperor, in Spence 1975, 22.
Ryan et al. 2003, 9.
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Western military historians often describe the Chinese “way of war” as emphasizing a gradualist military strategy, tending to avoid battle except when victory was assured, and preferring to use subterfuge, maneuver, or psychological means to defeat the enemy without actually fighting. The roots of this understanding of the Chinese way of war lie in selective readings of Sunzi’s Art of War and Mao Zedong’s writings on guerrilla warfare. The record of Chinese Communist operations in China’s Northeast (Manchuria) from 1945 through 1948 instead suggests a Chinese approach to war that is characterized not only by close attention to strategy and maneuver, but also by a preference for offensive operations leading to the ultimate destruction of the enemy in battles of annihilation. In the Northeast theater of China’s civil war we also see that the Communist forces had to go through a process of transformation before they were able to carry out large-scale maneuvers, deploy overwhelming firepower, and conduct large-scale operations or campaigns of annihilation. In order to gain victory, the Chinese Communist forces in the Northeast under Lin Biao’s command had to make the transition from guerrilla to conventional warfare, including the ability to attack cities. This transformation was achieved through a combination of factors: critical assessment of battlefield performance, incorporation of new weapons and equipment, and techniques of staff work. This suggests that any workable understanding of Chinese ways of war must go beyond cultural determinism to take account of the Chinese military’s flexibility and capacity for learning.
All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 425 | 107 | 18 |
Full Text Views | 151 | 11 | 2 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 141 | 31 | 8 |