John Watkins, “Toward a New Diplomatic History of Medieval and Early Modern Europe,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Europe 38, no. 1 (2012): 1-14. Also see other articles in this special issue.

John Watkins, “Toward a New Diplomatic History of Medieval and Early Modern Europe,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Europe 38, no. 1 (2012): 1-14. Also see other articles in this special issue.)| false
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See Eric Dursteler, “Latin Rite Christians in Early Modern Istanbul,” in Osmanli Istanbulu I: I. Uluslararası Osmanlı İstanbulu Sempozyumu Bildirileri, 29 Mayıs–1 Haziran 2013, ed. Feridun Emecen and Emrah Safa Gürkan (Istanbul, 2014), 137-146.

See Eric Dursteler, “Latin Rite Christians in Early Modern Istanbul,” in Osmanli Istanbulu I: I. Uluslararası Osmanlı İstanbulu Sempozyumu Bildirileri, 29 Mayıs–1 Haziran 2013, ed. Feridun Emecen and Emrah Safa Gürkan (Istanbul, 2014), 137-146.)| false
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See Gürkan, “Espionage in the 16th-century Mediterranean,” 377-384.

See Gürkan, “Espionage in the 16th-century Mediterranean,” 377-384.)| false
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Pedani, In nome del Gran Signore, 25-6. Even though he arrived in Venice with Sokollu’s letters and not those of the sultan, the Venetians immediately treated him as an official envoy (p. 166). Also see. asv, SDelC, reg. 4, cc. 52v, 56v, 59v, 80v-81v, 84, 85, 88, 116.

Pedani, In nome del Gran Signore, 25-6. Even though he arrived in Venice with Sokollu’s letters and not those of the sultan, the Venetians immediately treated him as an official envoy (p. 166). Also see. asv, SDelC, reg. 4, cc. 52v, 56v, 59v, 80v-81v, 84, 85, 88, 116.)| false
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Fodor, “An Antisemite Grand Vizier?” 197; Sahillioğlu, Koca Sinan Paşa, no. 8.

Fodor, “An Antisemite Grand Vizier?” 197; Sahillioğlu, Koca Sinan Paşa, no. 8.)| false
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Tijana Krstić, “Illuminated by the Light of Islam and the Glory of the Ottoman Sultanate: Self-Narratives of Conversion to Islam in the Age of Confessionalization,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, no. 1 (2009): 35-63; here 44-45; Rothman, Brokering Empire, Chapter 3.

Tijana Krstić, “Illuminated by the Light of Islam and the Glory of the Ottoman Sultanate: Self-Narratives of Conversion to Islam in the Age of Confessionalization,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, no. 1 (2009): 35-63; here 44-45; Rothman, Brokering Empire, Chapter 3.)| false
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Gauri Viswanathan, “Coping with (Civil) Death: the Christian Convert’s Rights of Passage in Colonial India,” in After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Postcolonial Displacements, ed. Gyan Prakash (Princeton, 1995): 183-210; Tobias Graf, “Of Half-Lives and Double-Lives: ‘Renegades’ in the Ottoman Empire and Their Pre-Conversion Ties, ca. 1580-1610,” in Well-Connected Domains: Towards an Entangled Ottoman History, ed. Pascal W. Firges et al. (Leiden, 2014), 131-149; here 131-2.

Gauri Viswanathan, “Coping with (Civil) Death: the Christian Convert’s Rights of Passage in Colonial India,” in After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Postcolonial Displacements, ed. Gyan Prakash (Princeton, 1995): 183-210; Tobias Graf, “Of Half-Lives and Double-Lives: ‘Renegades’ in the Ottoman Empire and Their Pre-Conversion Ties, ca. 1580-1610,” in Well-Connected Domains: Towards an Entangled Ottoman History, ed. Pascal W. Firges et al. (Leiden, 2014), 131-149; here 131-2.)| false
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Kunt, “Ethnic-Regional,” 236.

Kunt, “Ethnic-Regional,” 236.)| false
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Maria Pia Pedani, “Safiye’s Household and Venetian Diplomacy,” Turcica 32 (2000): 9-31, here 11.

Maria Pia Pedani, “Safiye’s Household and Venetian Diplomacy,” Turcica 32 (2000): 9-31, here 11.)| false
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Dursteler, Renegade Women, 22-23.

Dursteler, Renegade Women, 22-23.)| false
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Daniela Frigo, “Introduction,” in Politics and Diplomacy in Early Modern Italy: The Structure of Diplomatic Practice, 1450-1800, ed. Daniela Frigo, trans. Adrian Belton (Cambridge, 2000), 1-24, here 5-6.

Daniela Frigo, “Introduction,” in Politics and Diplomacy in Early Modern Italy: The Structure of Diplomatic Practice, 1450-1800, ed. Daniela Frigo, trans. Adrian Belton (Cambridge, 2000), 1-24, here 5-6.)| false
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Abou-El-Haj, “Ottoman Diplomacy at Karlowitz,” 498. For instance, Abou el-Haj states that the Ottomans “in the absence of necessity [ . . . ] had developed neither the formal apparatus for diplomatic communication nor the corps of trained personnel requisite for the negotiation of peace.” (p. 498-499). Although it was written decades ago, this article still preserves its relevance today (see fn. 3). More recently, Jeremy Black argued that the Ottoman Empire required diplomacy rather less than Tudor England, Valois France, or Sforza Milan. According to this, the strong Ottomans did not particularly need allies. Jeremy Black, A History of Diplomacy (London, 2010), 53-54.

Abou-El-Haj, “Ottoman Diplomacy at Karlowitz,” 498. For instance, Abou el-Haj states that the Ottomans “in the absence of necessity [ . . . ] had developed neither the formal apparatus for diplomatic communication nor the corps of trained personnel requisite for the negotiation of peace.” (p. 498-499). Although it was written decades ago, this article still preserves its relevance today (see fn. 3). More recently, Jeremy Black argued that the Ottoman Empire required diplomacy rather less than Tudor England, Valois France, or Sforza Milan. According to this, the strong Ottomans did not particularly need allies. Jeremy Black, A History of Diplomacy (London, 2010), 53-54.)| false
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