Damascus-Ṣanʿāʾ: The Case of the Manuscript Ṣanʿāʾ, Dār al-maḫṭūṭāt, Muṣṭalaḥ al-ḥadīṯ 216

Quoted in Suliman Bashear“Yemen in Early Islam. An Examination of Non-Tribal Traditions,” Arabica36 (1989), pp. 326–361, p. 354.

Quoted in Suliman Bashear, “Yemen in Early Islam. An Examination of Non-Tribal Traditions,” Arabica, 36 (1989), pp. 326–361, p. 354.)| false
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Cf. Éric Vallet“Yemeni ‘Oceanic policy’ at the end of the thirteenth century,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies36 (2006), pp. 289–296. The numismatic evidence provided by some Arabian hoards is interesting too, cf. Joe Cribb, “Chinese Coins Finds from Arabia and the Arabian Gulf,” Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, 7 (1996), pp. 108–118.

Cf. Éric Vallet, “Yemeni ‘Oceanic policy’ at the end of the thirteenth century,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, 36 (2006), pp. 289–296. The numismatic evidence provided by some Arabian hoards is interesting too, cf. Joe Cribb, “Chinese Coins Finds from Arabia and the Arabian Gulf,” Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, 7 (1996), pp. 108–118.)| false
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Cf. AtılArt of the Arab, p. 139, nr. 75. Despite the vase not having an explicit dedication to the Rasulids, the fact that it is decorated with red five-petalled rosettes allows to put it in the list of the core group of glasses made for the Rasulid court; Porter, Enameled Glass, pp. 93–94 and p. 199, p. 94 and Fig. 21.5.

Cf. Atıl, Art of the Arab, p. 139, nr. 75. Despite the vase not having an explicit dedication to the Rasulids, the fact that it is decorated with red five-petalled rosettes allows to put it in the list of the core group of glasses made for the Rasulid court; Porter, Enameled Glass, pp. 93–94 and p. 199, p. 94 and Fig. 21.5.)| false
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Cf. Schmidtke“The History of Zaydī Studies,” p. 198.

Cf. Schmidtke, “The History of Zaydī Studies,” p. 198.)| false
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Cf. Šihab Al-Sarraf“Mamluk Furūsiyah Literature and Its Antecedents,” Mamlūk Studies Review81 (2004), pp. 141–200, pp. 148–150.

Cf. Šihab Al-Sarraf, “Mamluk Furūsiyah Literature and Its Antecedents,” Mamlūk Studies Review, 81 (2004), pp. 141–200, pp. 148–150.)| false
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Cf. Al-SarrafMamluk Furūsiyah Literature, p. 157 and n. 45. This Rasulid interest for equestrianism is also reflected in the work entitled al-Aqwāl al-kāfiya wa-l-fuṣūl al-šāfiya by al-Muǧahid b. Dāwūd (721–764/1322–1363); cf. Giovanni Canova, Il trattato di ippologia al-Aqwāl al-kāfiya wa-l-fuṣūl al-šāfiya del sovrano rasulide al-Malik al-Muǧāhid ‘Alī b. Dāwūd, in Storia e cultura dello Yemen in età islamica con particolare riferimento al periodo rasulide: convegno Roma, 30–31 ottobre 2003, Roma, Bardi, 2006, pp. 101–131.

Cf. Al-Sarraf, Mamluk Furūsiyah Literature, p. 157 and n. 45. This Rasulid interest for equestrianism is also reflected in the work entitled al-Aqwāl al-kāfiya wa-l-fuṣūl al-šāfiya by al-Muǧahid b. Dāwūd (721–764/1322–1363); cf. Giovanni Canova, Il trattato di ippologia al-Aqwāl al-kāfiya wa-l-fuṣūl al-šāfiya del sovrano rasulide al-Malik al-Muǧāhid ‘Alī b. Dāwūd, in Storia e cultura dello Yemen in età islamica con particolare riferimento al periodo rasulide: convegno Roma, 30–31 ottobre 2003, Roma, Bardi, 2006, pp. 101–131.)| false
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Cf. Hassan Ansari and Sabine Schmidtke“Between Aleppo and Ṣaʿda: the Zaydī Reception of the Imāmī Scholar Ibn al-Biṭrīq al-Ḥillī,” Journal of Islamic Manuscripts4 (2013), pp. 160–200.

Cf. Hassan Ansari and Sabine Schmidtke, “Between Aleppo and Ṣaʿda: the Zaydī Reception of the Imāmī Scholar Ibn al-Biṭrīq al-Ḥillī,” Journal of Islamic Manuscripts, 4 (2013), pp. 160–200.)| false
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The italics are mine. Michael W. Albin“Islamic Book History: Parameters of a Discipline,” International Association of Orientalist Librarians Bulletin26–27 (1985), pp. 13–16, p. 14 [reprinted in Geoffrey Roper (ed.), The History of the Book in the Middle East, Farnham, Ashgate, 2013, pp. 3–6]. It seems, in this respect, interesting to recall here the transfer of manuscripts and ideas from Yemen to other regions: Ethiopia for example. “Moreover in the Nuzhat al-asrār it is reported in detail the arrival of two manuals of law characteristic of the šafiʿī maḏhab, the Kitāb al-Tanbīh and the Kitāb al-Muhaḏḏad by al-Šīrāzī, typical of the Yemenite schools and brought to south Ethiopia by […] the faqīh Mūsà al-Muqriʾ:” my English translation of the Italian original text by Alessandro Gori, “Lo Yemen e l’Islam in Africa orientale. Contatti, testi, personaggi,” in Traini (ed.), Storia e cultura dello Yemen, pp. 201–218, p. 204.

The italics are mine. Michael W. Albin, “Islamic Book History: Parameters of a Discipline,” International Association of Orientalist Librarians Bulletin, 26–27 (1985), pp. 13–16, p. 14 [reprinted in Geoffrey Roper (ed.), The History of the Book in the Middle East, Farnham, Ashgate, 2013, pp. 3–6]. It seems, in this respect, interesting to recall here the transfer of manuscripts and ideas from Yemen to other regions: Ethiopia for example. “Moreover in the Nuzhat al-asrār it is reported in detail the arrival of two manuals of law characteristic of the šafiʿī maḏhab, the Kitāb al-Tanbīh and the Kitāb al-Muhaḏḏad by al-Šīrāzī, typical of the Yemenite schools and brought to south Ethiopia by […] the faqīh Mūsà al-Muqriʾ:” my English translation of the Italian original text by Alessandro Gori, “Lo Yemen e l’Islam in Africa orientale. Contatti, testi, personaggi,” in Traini (ed.), Storia e cultura dello Yemen, pp. 201–218, p. 204.)| false
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