This paper analyses the French and Belgian bans on face covering by taking a close look at the aims they are intended to serve in the eyes of the legislators in the two countries. These stated aims are the basis for a critical assessment of the bans from a human rights perspective. The authors conclude that the reasons proffered for the prohibition can legitimize at most a limited set of contextual bans, not the broad nationwide bans that are in place.
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R. Owen, “Italian police fine woman for wearing burqa in public”, The Times, 5 May 2010.
W. Fautré, supra note 16.
C. Gabizon, “Sarkozy : ‘la burqa n’est pas la bienvenue’”, Le Figaro, 26 June 2009 (our translation).
Constitutional Court 6 December 2012, no. 145/2012. See, extensively, on the ruling: L. Lauvrysen & E. Brems, “Redding boerkaverbod leidt tot rare kronkels”, Recht, Religie en Samenleving 2013 (forthcoming); J. Vrielink, “Het bedekte gelaat van de Belgische Grondwet. Het Belgisch Grondwettelijk Hof en het ‘boerkaverbod’”, Nederlands Tijdschrift voor de Mensenrechten 2013, vol. 38, no. 2, 251-267. For brief summaries, see J. Flo & J. Vrielink, “The Constitutionality of the Belgian Burqa Ban”, openDemocracy.net, 14 January 2013; S. Ouald Chaib, “Belgian Constitutional Court Says Ban on Face Coverings Does Not Violate Human Rights”, Strasbourgobservers.com, 14 December 2012.
Prior to this, in 2003, the issue of the face veil had attracted some media attention when a school banned students from wearing it (A. Moors, “The Dutch and the Face-veil: The Politics of Discomfort”, Social Anthropology/Antropologie Sociale 2009, no. 4, 396).
R. Minder, “Spain’s Senate Votes to Ban Burqa”, New York Times, 24 June 2010.
Law no. 651 of 15 June 2010. See also W. Fautré, supra note 16.
Apa/red, “Minister Hahn möchte die Burka verbieten: Für Verbannung aus dem öffentlichen Raum”, News.at, 18 April 2008.
A. Gérin, supra note 54, 67-69 and 81-84. At the same time, of course, in most of the countries in which the issue has led to debate (or even legislation), face veils are extremely rare as well.
French Parliament, “Etude d’impact (projet de loi interdisant la dissimulation du visage dans l’espace public”, 7.
Conseil d’Etat, supra note 28, 30-35.
A. Gérin, supra note 54, 99-100.
French Parliament, “Etude d’impact (projet de loi interdisant la dissimulation du visage dans l’espace public”, 7.
A. Gérin, supra note 54, 109.
A. Gérin, supra note 54, 113.
A. Gérin, supra note 54, 117-118. See critically on this interpretation of Lévinas: J. Vrielink, supra note 38, at 260.
French Council of State, supra note 28, 26.
A. Gérin, supra note 54, 93-94.
EComHR, 22 October 1998, Kara v. the United Kingdom.
See, e.g. C. Evans, Freedom of Religion Under the European Convention on Human Rights, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001, 103 e.v.
EComHR, 12 October 1978, Arrowsmith v. the United Kingdom, no. 7050/75. See D.J. Harris, M. O’Boyle, E.P. Bates and C.M. Buckley, Law of the European Convention on Human Rights, 2009, 433-434 and P. Van Dijk, F. Van Hoof, A. Van Rijn and L. Zwaak (eds.), Theory and practice of the European Convention on Human Rights, 2006, 761 e.v.
See, e.g. ECtHR, 10 November 2005, Leyla Sahin v. Turkey, §78; and ECtHR, 7 December 2010, Jakóbski v. Poland, §44-45.
M. Evans, Manual on the Wearing of Religious Symbols in Public Areas, Strasbourg, Council of Europe Publishing, 2009, 95.
ECtHR, 8 July 2008, Vajnai v. Hungary, §57. See also on this case, Section 4.3 below.
ECtHR, 23 February 2010, Ahmet Arslan et al. v. Turkey, §50.
A. Moors, supra note 3, 55.
See e.g. J. Feinberg, Harm to Self (The Moral Limits of the Criminal Law; vol. 3), Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1986.
ECtHR, 17 February 2005, K.A. and A.D. v. Belgium, §83. See also ECtHR, 29 April 2002, Pretty v. the United Kingdom, §66.
See also A. Moors, supra note 40, 403.
ECtHR, 8 July 2008, Vajnai v. Hungary, §52 (arguing that “this star also still symbolises the international workers’ movement, struggling for a fairer society, as well [as] certain lawful political parties active in different Member States”). Mutatis mutandis, the same is true even more for face veils. In this sense, see, e.g., S. Hussein, “Looking In or Looking Out? Stories On the Multiple Meanings of Veiling”, T. Dreher and C. Ho (eds.), Beyond the Hijab Debates: New Conversations on Gender, Race and Religion, Newscastle upon Tyne, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009, 81-89; M. Williamson and G. Khiabany, “UK: the Veil and the Politics of Racism”, Race & Class 2010, in particular 89-91 (on the “multiple meanings of veiling”) See extensively on the issue of banning face veils for “symbolic” reasons J. Vrielink, “Symptomatic Symbolism. Banning the burqa ‘as a symbol’”, in E. Brems (ed.), The Face Veil in Europe Inside and Out, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (forthcoming).
ECtHR, 8 July 2008, Vajnai v. Hungary, §55.
ETC, 6 September 2000, opinion 2000-63, §4.9. But see also: ETC, 20 March 2003, opinion 2003-40.
A. Gérin, supra note 54, 29.
T. Hammarberg, “‘Rulings anywhere that women must wear the burqa should be condemned - but banning such dresses here would be wrong’, says Commissioner Hammarberg”, Viewpoint, 8 March 2010 (www.coe.int).
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This paper analyses the French and Belgian bans on face covering by taking a close look at the aims they are intended to serve in the eyes of the legislators in the two countries. These stated aims are the basis for a critical assessment of the bans from a human rights perspective. The authors conclude that the reasons proffered for the prohibition can legitimize at most a limited set of contextual bans, not the broad nationwide bans that are in place.
All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 869 | 149 | 17 |
Full Text Views | 422 | 5 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 184 | 10 | 0 |