E.g., Philo, Mos. 2.12-13; cf. also his Hypothetica (apud Eusebius Prep. ev. 7.1-20). See the discussion in Rosa Maria Piccione, “De Vita Mosis I 60-62: Philon und die griechische παιδεία,” in Philo und das Neue Testament: Wechselseitige Wahrnehmungen, ed. Roland Deines and Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr, wunt 172 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004), 345-57. Further issues of Philo’s political thought and context can be found in R. Barraclough, “Philo’s Politics: Roman Rule and Hellenistic Judaism,” anrwii 21.1 (1984): 417-551; and Mireille Hadas-Lebel, Philo of Alexandria: A Thinker in the Jewish Diaspora, trans. Robyn Fréchet, SPhA 7 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 69-89. The issue of the divine origin of the Law/laws, related to the nature/law dyad noted below (n. 17), is also picked up by Josephus and is present in Greco-Roman thinkers from Sophocles (esp. in Antigone) to Plutarch (e.g., Numa 4.1-7). A full discussion is beyond the scope of the present study.

E.g., Philo, Mos. 2.12-13; cf. also his Hypothetica (apud Eusebius Prep. ev. 7.1-20). See the discussion in Rosa Maria Piccione, “De Vita Mosis I 60-62: Philon und die griechische παιδεία,” in Philo und das Neue Testament: Wechselseitige Wahrnehmungen, ed. Roland Deines and Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr, wunt 172 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004), 345-57. Further issues of Philo’s political thought and context can be found in R. Barraclough, “Philo’s Politics: Roman Rule and Hellenistic Judaism,” anrw ii 21.1 (1984): 417-551; and Mireille Hadas-Lebel, Philo of Alexandria: A Thinker in the Jewish Diaspora, trans. Robyn Fréchet, SPhA 7 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 69-89. The issue of the divine origin of the Law/laws, related to the nature/law dyad noted below (n. 17), is also picked up by Josephus and is present in Greco-Roman thinkers from Sophocles (esp. in Antigone) to Plutarch (e.g., Numa 4.1-7). A full discussion is beyond the scope of the present study.)| false
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E.g., C. Ap. 2.153—“the virtue of a lawgiver is to be conscious of the best things and to persuade [πεῖσαι] those who use [the laws] concerning those he has established for them, namely persuading the many to maintain all the laws with respect and not to change them whether in good or bad fortune.” In this framework, according to Josephus, the efforts of Solon, Lycurgus, and others pale in comparison to Moses’s theocratic constitution (C. Ap. 154, 164, passim). On Josephus’s political thought and its relation to his apologetic purposes, see Tessa Rajak, “The Against Apion and the Continuities in Josephus’s Political Thought,” in Understanding Josephus: Seven Perspectives, ed. Steve Mason, JSPSup 32 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998); Knut Backhaus, “Mose und der Mos Maiorum: Das Alter des Judentums als Argument für die Attraktivität des Christentums in der Apostelgeschichte,” in Josephus und das Neue Testament: Wechselseitige Wahrnehmungen, ed. Christfried Böttrich, Jens Herzer, and Torsten Reiprich, wunt 209 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007), 387-99; John M. G. Barclay, Flavius Josephus, Translation and Commentary, vol. 10: Against Apion, Translation and Commentary (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 362-69.

E.g., C. Ap. 2.153—“the virtue of a lawgiver is to be conscious of the best things and to persuade [πεῖσαι] those who use [the laws] concerning those he has established for them, namely persuading the many to maintain all the laws with respect and not to change them whether in good or bad fortune.” In this framework, according to Josephus, the efforts of Solon, Lycurgus, and others pale in comparison to Moses’s theocratic constitution (C. Ap. 154, 164, passim). On Josephus’s political thought and its relation to his apologetic purposes, see Tessa Rajak, “The Against Apion and the Continuities in Josephus’s Political Thought,” in Understanding Josephus: Seven Perspectives, ed. Steve Mason, JSPSup 32 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998); Knut Backhaus, “Mose und der Mos Maiorum: Das Alter des Judentums als Argument für die Attraktivität des Christentums in der Apostelgeschichte,” in Josephus und das Neue Testament: Wechselseitige Wahrnehmungen, ed. Christfried Böttrich, Jens Herzer, and Torsten Reiprich, wunt 209 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007), 387-99; John M. G. Barclay, Flavius Josephus, Translation and Commentary, vol. 10: Against Apion, Translation and Commentary (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 362-69.)| false
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Note the discussion in Urs Breitenstein, Beobachtungen zu Sprache, Stil und Gedankengut des Vierten Makkabäerbuchs (Basel: Schwabe, 1976), 91-130, though he unnecessarily denigrates the “sogennanten Asianismus” (p. 179); cf. the discussion in deSilva, 4 Maccabees, 76-98.

Note the discussion in Urs Breitenstein, Beobachtungen zu Sprache, Stil und Gedankengut des Vierten Makkabäerbuchs (Basel: Schwabe, 1976), 91-130, though he unnecessarily denigrates the “sogennanten Asianismus” (p. 179); cf. the discussion in deSilva, 4 Maccabees, 76-98.)| false
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Judith Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 108-9 notes that this ambivalence is in fact present in the term Ἰουδαϊσµός itself—“ ‘Judaism,’ a term first appearing in 2 Maccabees, has long been reinscribed as archetypal—Hebraism versus Hellenism, a supposedly immutable boundary of mythic proportions whose shadow still reaches to the present. Yet . . . the term ‘Judaism’, ἰουδαϊσµός, appears only in Greek, and not just as a Greek formulation but in literature that is confidently Greek in outlook and in self-presentation.”

Judith Lieu, Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 108-9 notes that this ambivalence is in fact present in the term Ἰουδαϊσµός itself—“ ‘Judaism,’ a term first appearing in 2 Maccabees, has long been reinscribed as archetypal—Hebraism versus Hellenism, a supposedly immutable boundary of mythic proportions whose shadow still reaches to the present. Yet . . . the term ‘Judaism’, ἰουδαϊσµός, appears only in Greek, and not just as a Greek formulation but in literature that is confidently Greek in outlook and in self-presentation.”)| false
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deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 99-101.

deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 99-101.)| false
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deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 103-4.

deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 103-4.)| false
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Richard Kraut, Socrates and the State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 54-90 discusses the implications of this view and whether or not Plato allows for civil disobedience within the rule of law itself.

Richard Kraut, Socrates and the State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 54-90 discusses the implications of this view and whether or not Plato allows for civil disobedience within the rule of law itself.)| false
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Cf. John R. Wallach, The Platonic Political Art: A Study of Critical Reason and Democracy (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001), 305.

Cf. John R. Wallach, The Platonic Political Art: A Study of Critical Reason and Democracy (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001), 305.)| false
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Rankin, Sophists, 90; cf. Atkins, Cicero on Politics, 189-93.

Rankin, Sophists, 90; cf. Atkins, Cicero on Politics, 189-93.)| false
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Cf. Hesiod, Op. 287-292; ed. F. Solmsen, Hesiodi opera (Oxford: Clarendon, 1970). See the discussion of virtue and politics in the Leges in Mark Blitz, Plato’s Political Philosophy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), 91-112.

Cf. Hesiod, Op. 287-292; ed. F. Solmsen, Hesiodi opera (Oxford: Clarendon, 1970). See the discussion of virtue and politics in the Leges in Mark Blitz, Plato’s Political Philosophy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), 91-112.)| false
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Swanson, The Public and the Private, 133.

Swanson, The Public and the Private, 133.)| false
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On the Stoic view, see Andrew Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa: Political Thought and Action (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), 43-63. The issues of slavery are also related to more general constitutional concerns about coercion and subordination that remained points of contention between the Stoics and Platonic or Aristotelian view; see Erskine, Hellenistic Stoa, 70-74.

On the Stoic view, see Andrew Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa: Political Thought and Action (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), 43-63. The issues of slavery are also related to more general constitutional concerns about coercion and subordination that remained points of contention between the Stoics and Platonic or Aristotelian view; see Erskine, Hellenistic Stoa, 70-74.)| false
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Cf. 1279a22-b10. See Melissa Lane, “Claims to Rule: The Case of the Multitude,” in The Cambridge Companion to Aristotle’s Politics, ed. Marguerite Deslauriers and Pierre Destrée (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 247-74, esp. 268: “Aristotle’s argument for democratic judgment allows certain multitudes, in certain circumstances, to manifest virtue in collectively making decisions. Yet such collective functional virtue never goes so far as to make the individuals of the multitude into good men as well as good citizens, and so it cannot constitute a best regime overall.”

Cf. 1279a22-b10. See Melissa Lane, “Claims to Rule: The Case of the Multitude,” in The Cambridge Companion to Aristotle’s Politics, ed. Marguerite Deslauriers and Pierre Destrée (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 247-74, esp. 268: “Aristotle’s argument for democratic judgment allows certain multitudes, in certain circumstances, to manifest virtue in collectively making decisions. Yet such collective functional virtue never goes so far as to make the individuals of the multitude into good men as well as good citizens, and so it cannot constitute a best regime overall.”)| false
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Cf. Carl Joachim Classen, Recht—Rhetorik—Politik: Untersuchungen zu Ciceros rhetorischer Strategie (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985), 368-69; note also the essays in Part I of Catherine Steel and Henriette van der Blom, ed., Community and Communication: Oratory and Politics in Republican Rome (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013) and Jon Hall, Cicero’s Use of Judicial Theater (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2014). As in politics, Cicero’s rhetorical approach was deeply shaped by the Greek rhetorical tradition; cf. Anthony Corbeill, “Rhetorical Education in Cicero’s Youth,” in Brill’s Companion to Cicero: Oratory and Rhetoric, ed. James M. May (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 23-48, here 29.

Cf. Carl Joachim Classen, Recht—Rhetorik—Politik: Untersuchungen zu Ciceros rhetorischer Strategie (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985), 368-69; note also the essays in Part I of Catherine Steel and Henriette van der Blom, ed., Community and Communication: Oratory and Politics in Republican Rome (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013) and Jon Hall, Cicero’s Use of Judicial Theater (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2014). As in politics, Cicero’s rhetorical approach was deeply shaped by the Greek rhetorical tradition; cf. Anthony Corbeill, “Rhetorical Education in Cicero’s Youth,” in Brill’s Companion to Cicero: Oratory and Rhetoric, ed. James M. May (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 23-48, here 29.)| false
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Cf. Christopher Pelling, “Political Philosophy,” in A Companion to Plutarch, ed. Martin Beck (Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2014), 149-62, esp. 149, 157.

Cf. Christopher Pelling, “Political Philosophy,” in A Companion to Plutarch, ed. Martin Beck (Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2014), 149-62, esp. 149, 157.)| false
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Redditt, “Concept,” 249; cf. André Dupont-Sommer, Le quatrième livre des Machabées: introduction, traduction et notes (Paris: Libr. Ancienne Champion, 1939), 12, 34-36 and n. 10 above; deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 102-3 rightly points toward a fuller rhetorical integration throughout the work.

Redditt, “Concept,” 249; cf. André Dupont-Sommer, Le quatrième livre des Machabées: introduction, traduction et notes (Paris: Libr. Ancienne Champion, 1939), 12, 34-36 and n. 10 above; deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 102-3 rightly points toward a fuller rhetorical integration throughout the work.)| false
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Cf. Hans-Josef Klauck, 4. Makkabäerbuch (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus G. Mohn, 1989), 704 n. 21a and the comments of deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 110 on the “picture of Jerusalem as a city that exhibited Greek civic virtues before the attempts to hellenize arose.”

Cf. Hans-Josef Klauck, 4. Makkabäerbuch (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus G. Mohn, 1989), 704 n. 21a and the comments of deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 110 on the “picture of Jerusalem as a city that exhibited Greek civic virtues before the attempts to hellenize arose.”)| false
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See the discussion in deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 102-3. The discussion of rhetoric in Breitenstein, Beobachtungen, 91-130 is primarily concerned with the style of rhetorical ornamentation (“Schmuckmitteln der epideiktischen Beredsamkeit,” p. 91; “er schmückt auch ‘gewöhnliche’ Sätze . . . mit allen Mitteln der Rhetorik,” p. 128).

See the discussion in deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 102-3. The discussion of rhetoric in Breitenstein, Beobachtungen, 91-130 is primarily concerned with the style of rhetorical ornamentation (“Schmuckmitteln der epideiktischen Beredsamkeit,” p. 91; “er schmückt auch ‘gewöhnliche’ Sätze . . . mit allen Mitteln der Rhetorik,” p. 128).)| false
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Cf. Cicero, Rep. 1.2 and §1 above. That there are close ties with the picture of the ideal philosopher (so Hadas, Maccabees, 115-18; van Henten, Maccabean Martyrs, 278-88) should not be held in tension with the political themes noted here. Philosophy, from Plato and Xenocrates to Cicero was consistently oriented toward the polis; cf. the connections noted in Eckhard Plümacher, Lukas als hellenistischer Schriftsteller, sunt 9 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), 18-22 and deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 104. Note also the typology of a tyrant surveyed in Heininger, “Der böse Antiochus,” 50-53.

Cf. Cicero, Rep. 1.2 and §1 above. That there are close ties with the picture of the ideal philosopher (so Hadas, Maccabees, 115-18; van Henten, Maccabean Martyrs, 278-88) should not be held in tension with the political themes noted here. Philosophy, from Plato and Xenocrates to Cicero was consistently oriented toward the polis; cf. the connections noted in Eckhard Plümacher, Lukas als hellenistischer Schriftsteller, sunt 9 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), 18-22 and deSilva, “Master’s Tools,” 104. Note also the typology of a tyrant surveyed in Heininger, “Der böse Antiochus,” 50-53.)| false
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Cf. Plutarch, Brut. 30.5-6 (releasing captives without ransom as a demonstration of his εὔνοια, ἐπιείκεια, and φιλανθρωπία); Cic. 40.5 (Caesar setting up a statue of Pompey ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ).

Cf. Plutarch, Brut. 30.5-6 (releasing captives without ransom as a demonstration of his εὔνοια, ἐπιείκεια, and φιλανθρωπία); Cic. 40.5 (Caesar setting up a statue of Pompey ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ).)| false
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