Across the Islamic world, Islamist groups have chosen to join popular protests stemming from the 2011 Arab Spring. In Morocco, however, an exception emerged. The country’s main Islamist opposition political party – the Justice and Development Party (hizb al-a’dala wa al-tanmia) – declined invitations to join demonstrations organized by the February 20th Movement for Change. Under what conditions do Islamist movements support Arab Spring uprisings? Why did the PJD choose to stay outside these protests demanding greater reform? The PJD, some scholars argue, did not support Arab Spring unrest because it is a co-opted Islamist movement. In contrast, I argue that the PJD refused to join the protests because it thought it could leverage them to its advantage. By threatening the Moroccan regime to leave formal party politics for the street, the Islamist party used the unrest to increase its bargaining power, sideline its rivals, and win its policy demands. This threat to “un-moderate” empowered the PJD to get what it wanted from the regime during the Arab Spring.
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Scott Shane, “Islamist Group is Poised to Be Power in Egypt, But its Intentions are Unclear,” New York Times, February 4, 2011, 8.
Robert Worth, “Jordanians Go to Polls Under Cloud of a Boycott,” New York Times, November 10, 2010, 14.
Ethan Bronner, “Jordan Faces a Rising Tide of Unrest, but few Expect a Revolt,” New York Times, February 5, 2011, 8.
Mark Vilensky, “Tunisia’s Prime Minister Calls it a Day,” New York Times Magazine http://nymag.com/daily/intel/2011/02/tunisia_1.html
Ellen Lust, Structuring Conflict in the Arab World: Incumbents, Opponents, and Institutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 38-60.
Thierre Fabre, “Roi du Maroc et du Business,” Challenges, issue 303, May 31, 2012, 60-61.
John Entelis, Islam, Democracy, and the State in North Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 53.
Lust, 2005. Ibid. 59-60.
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Mohammed Hafez, Why Muslims Rebel (New York: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003).
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Willis 1999, Ibid. 46.
Bilal Talidi, 2008a. Ibid. 119-121
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Yatim et. al., 2006. Ibid. 34-35.
In the 1990s, the regime tapped Khatib to host secret peace negotiations at his home between an advisor of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Hamas leader Khalid Mashil. See: Sabah, “Laqa tarikhi bayna mustashaar yitzhak rabin wa khalid mishal bibayt khatib,” July 16, 2012, 1.
According to Ellen Lust (2005), we could consider this a transition from outside to inside the regime’s structure of contestation (pp. 38-48).
Amr Hamzawy, “Party for Justice and Development in Morocco: Participation and Its Discontents,” Carnegie Papers 93 (2008): 20.
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Eva Wegner and Miquel Pellicer, “The Moroccan Justice and Development Party in Local Government: Do Islamists Govern Differently?” Robert Schuman Centre For Advanced Studies (2009): 17-18. Andrew Watrous, “Islamist Participation in Alliance-Building at the Sub-National Level in Morocco,” Fulbright Moroccan Studies Symposium Presentation (2010).
Farid Boussaid, “The Rise of the PAM in Morocco: Trampling the Political Scene or Stumbling into it?” Mediterranean Politics 14 (2009). Kevin Köhler, “All the King’s Men: The Emergence of the Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM) in Morocco,” IPRIS Maghreb Review 6 (2010): 1-2.
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Ismail Rouhi, Ibid. February 20, 2011, 1.
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Reda Dalil, “Pourquoi a-t-il fallu qu’il parle?” Le Temps, July 2, 2011, 29.
Younis Miskeen, Ibid. 2011.
Mohcine Lourhzal, “2012: l’analyse de Lahcen Daoudi,” Le Temps, January 1, 2011, 32.
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Mohammed Nafaa, “Il ne Faut pas que les Escobar reviennent!” Le Reporter, July 6, 2011, 12.
Sadik Boukuzoual, “Ramid: naqtarah ishraaf al-qadaa ‘ala al-intikhabaat,” Sabah March 31, 2011, 1.
Mohammed Nafaa, “Je maintiens que je suis pessimiste!” Le Reporter, October 6, 2011, 17.
Across the Islamic world, Islamist groups have chosen to join popular protests stemming from the 2011 Arab Spring. In Morocco, however, an exception emerged. The country’s main Islamist opposition political party – the Justice and Development Party (hizb al-a’dala wa al-tanmia) – declined invitations to join demonstrations organized by the February 20th Movement for Change. Under what conditions do Islamist movements support Arab Spring uprisings? Why did the PJD choose to stay outside these protests demanding greater reform? The PJD, some scholars argue, did not support Arab Spring unrest because it is a co-opted Islamist movement. In contrast, I argue that the PJD refused to join the protests because it thought it could leverage them to its advantage. By threatening the Moroccan regime to leave formal party politics for the street, the Islamist party used the unrest to increase its bargaining power, sideline its rivals, and win its policy demands. This threat to “un-moderate” empowered the PJD to get what it wanted from the regime during the Arab Spring.