Extending the timeframe of analysis beyond the post-uprising period, Corinna Mullin and Brahim Rouabah retrace the way in which the state of emergency has functioned as a discourse of power and a modality of governance throughout the colonial and postcolonial eras. Specifically, the article focuses on how the state of emergency contributes to the reinforcement of dominant narratives about national identity, and the foreclosure of more radical alternative political, social and economic projects outside of the colonial-modern norm.
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Jodi Melamed, Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing Violence in the New Racial Capitalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), 52.
Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 2.
Wendy Brown, Regulating Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 194.
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Mary D. Lewis, Divided Rule: Sovereignty and Empire in French Tunisia 1881–1938 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), 82.
Usama Makdisi, “The Modernity of Sectarianism in Lebanon: Reconstructing the Nation-State,” Middle East Research and Information Project 26 (1996).
Jean-Francois Martin, Histoire De La Tunisie Contemporaine : De Ferry à Bourguiba, 1881–1956 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003), 171; Al-Ma‘had Al-Sadiqi was established in 1875 by the reformer Khayr al-Diyn Pacha al-Tunusi to provide a bicultural, bilingual education for future cadres in the government administration. Zitouna was founded in 737 and claimed to be the oldest teaching establishment in the Arab world. The modern Zitouna University was established upon independence in April 26, 1956.
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Stephen Morton, States of Emergency: Colonialism, Literature and Law (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2013), 35.
Nasser Hussein, The Jurisprudence of Emergency: Colonialism and the Rule of Law (Michigan: Michigan University Press, 2003), 31.
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Lewis, Divided Rule, 108. For the Italian version of the events see: L’Unione, “La Sommossa di Stamane: I musulmani protestano violentemente per la questione del cimitero,” November 7, 1911, Tunisian National Archives, J 212.
Quoted in Lewis Mary Lewis, “Necropoles and Nationality: Land Rights, Burial Rights, and the Development of Tunisian National Consciousness in the 1930s,” Past and Present 1 (2009): 105–141.
Larbi Sadiki, “The Search for Citizenship in Bin Ali’s Tunisia: Democracy versus Unity,” Political Studies 5 0 (2002): 502.
Eric Pace, “Habib Bourguiba, Led Tunisia to Independence From France,” New York Times, April 7, 2000, https://www.library.cornell.edu/colldev/mideast/bourgnyt.htm.
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Mohamed S. Omri, “Trade Unions and the Construction of a Specifically Tunisian Protest Configuration,” OpenDemocracy, September 24, 2011, https://www.opendemocracy.net/mohamed-salah-omri/trade-unions-and-construction-of-specifically-tunisian-protest-configuration.
Gregory White, Comparative Political Economy of Tunisia and Morocco: On the Outside of Europe Looking In ( New York: State University of New York Press, 2001), 118.
Chris Toensing, “Tunisian Labor Leaders Reflect Upon Revolt,” Middle East Research and Information Project 41 (2011).
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Jocelyne Cesari, The Awakening of Muslim Democracy: Religion, Modernity, and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).
David Harvey, “The ‘New’ Imperialism: Accumulation by Dispossession,” The Socialist Register 40 (2009): 63–87.
Lina Kennouche, “L’héritage de Bourguiba face aux soubresauts de la transition tunisienne,” L’Orient Le Jour, July 25, 2015, Actualités section, http://www.lorientlejour.com/article/936007/lheritage-de-bourguiba-face-aux-soubresauts-de-la-transition-tunisienne.html (translation by the authors).
Charles Tripp, “Performing the Public: Theatres of Power in the Middle East,” Constellations 2 (2013): 1–28.
Khawla Euchi, “fa bihaythu… i‘tisam errahil,” Nawaat, November 12, 2014, Politics section. http://nawaat.org/portail/2014/11/12/اعتصام-الرّحيل-احتجاجات-ضدّ-الإرهاب-أ/.
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Marouen Achouri, “Moncef Marzouki, le faux chantre du prestige de l’Etat,” Businessnews, May 17, 2013, Actualités section, http://www.businessnews.com.tn/Moncef-Marzouki,-le-faux-chantre-du-prestige-de-l%20Etat,519,38165,1 (translated by the authors).
Fabio Merone, “Enduring Class Struggle in Tunisia: The Fight for Identity beyond Political Islam”, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 1 (2015): 74–87.
Hussein Ali Agrama, Questioning Secularism: Islam, Sovereignty and the Rule of Law in Egypt. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).
Carlotta Gall, “Tunisia’s Secular Government Cracks Down on Mosques in Aftermath of Massacre,” New York Times, July 23, 2015, Africa section, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/24/world/africa/rift-widens-in-tunisia-as-government-cracks-down-on-mosques.html?_r=0.
Daniel Levine-Spound, “Tunisia's Defense Against the Islamic State Is Sparking Fears of a Police State,” Vice News, September 18, 2015, Africa section, https://news.vice.com/article/tunisias-defense-against-the-islamic-state-is-sparking-fears-of-a-police-state.
Fatima Jelassi, “Itlaq Sarah Intihari Mohamed el Khames… Al Naqabat Al Amniyyah tatahim… wa al qadha’ ya‘kis al hudjum,” Assabah, November 28, 2015, http://www.assabah.com.tn/article/111239/إطلاق-سراح»انتحاري-محمد-الخامس»-النقابات-الأمنية-تتهم-والقضاء»يعكس-الهجوم».
Hussem Ben Makhlouf, “Kasr al ‘adhm bayna al amn wa al qadha’ yu’adjil al harb ‘ala al irhab,” Al-Akhbar, November 29, 2015, http://www.al-akhbar.com/node/248145.
Heba Saleh, “Tunisian law raises fears of security state return,” The Financial Times, May 13, 2015, Middle East and North Africa: Politics and Society section, http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/ac71f594-f89b-11e4–8e16–00144feab7de.html#axzz3vjmuIhWP. See also Emna Guizani, “New Law to Ban Attacks on Armed Forces Sparks Outcry,” Tunisia Live, April 22, 2015, http://www.tunisia-live.net/2015/04/22/new-law-to-ban-attacks-on-armed-forces-sparks-outcry/.
Alain Badiou, “Alain Badiou on the Arab Spring,” Verso, December 2, 2013, Blog section, http://www.versobooks.com/blogs/1471-alain-badiou-on-the-arab-spring.
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Extending the timeframe of analysis beyond the post-uprising period, Corinna Mullin and Brahim Rouabah retrace the way in which the state of emergency has functioned as a discourse of power and a modality of governance throughout the colonial and postcolonial eras. Specifically, the article focuses on how the state of emergency contributes to the reinforcement of dominant narratives about national identity, and the foreclosure of more radical alternative political, social and economic projects outside of the colonial-modern norm.
All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 886 | 142 | 7 |
Full Text Views | 300 | 15 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 225 | 23 | 0 |