Homer’s use of the address form δαιµονίη for Hekabe at Iliad 24.194, has been particularly troublesome, and these problems have remained largely unresolved because the word’s etymology, its later use, and its generally negative tone contrast with the otherwise non-confrontational tone of Priam’s speech at Il. 24.194-199. This mismatch has led to a wide range of interpretations, and no general consensus. In this paper I argue that the term here appears to be undergoing grammaticalization in the direction of a discourse particle, and as such does not characterize the addressee but the context of Priam’s subsequent speech. Although use of the term by later authors shows that this process was terminated, nevertheless, the development of δαιµόνιε proposed here patterns with that of other divine address forms such as Latin mehercule! and edepol!, French mon Dieu!, English oh my God!, etc. which have come to function like other discourse particles such as wow!
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Cf. Brunius-Nilsson 1955, 6-10. She states “[t]he confusion which exists as far as this word is concerned is apparent from the fact that the interpretations of one and the same passage by different scholars, even in quite recent years, can vary between such extremes.”
See Mosegaard-Hansen 1998, 37-41 for a discussion of the difference between formal and functional categorization of discourse particles. As a technical term, referentiality reflects the ability of lexical items to refer to, or index specific semantic content. Items so used are generally able to enter into grammatical relations with other lexical items. Functionallity, on the other hand, refers to an item’s ability to index grammatical or discursive content. Hopper and Traugott (1998, 4) refer to this distinction as one between content words and function words. In this paper I adopt a largely functional approach.
On particles, see Mosegaard-Hanse 1998, 37, and Ameka 1992, 108. On the referential meaning of vocative nps, see Braun 1988, 257-259.
Brunius-Nilsson 1955, 14.
Dickey 1996, 9-12. Her claim that the vocative functions as a Friendship Term (ft) fails to take into account the term’s special distribution in archaic epic, as well as its use in other, later verse texts. On the exclusion of verse texts from her study see Dickey 1996, 20-22.
Dickey 1996, 9-10. Thus for example, in Modern English, the term woman, as an address form, is typically used by a man who signals with it that, among other things, the addressee is in a spouse-like relationship with him, and the address usually has strong negative or mock impolite implications. However, as a referential noun, woman has much more general semantic range and usually lacks any of the specific possessive and negative semantics of the vocative use.
See Braun 1988, 29-32. That is, a mismatch between the addressee and the surface reference of an address form does not automatically result in cognitive dissonance, but invites a contextually based inference that results in a redefinition of the addressee. Thus, formal and semantic agreement are not the primary ways that appropriacy is judged.
See Hopper and Traugott 1993, 1-2. I distinguish here between grammaticalization, which is descriptive and refers to a well documented phenomenon in language change, and Grammaticalization, which refers to a theoretical claim about language change in general, and so is predictive. On the difference between the two, see Joseph 2001.
Ameka 1992, 108.
Ashdowne 2002, 149. See also Braun 1988, 7-8.
Gehweiler 2008, 74 (following Wierzbicka 1992). The strictly discursive use of forms like geeze, etc., is further suggested by their frequent collocation with the particle oh, which now accompanies genuine vocative addresses only in highly stylized cases, but which regularly appears alone or in combination with other discursive markers, as in oh crap, oh man, etc.
Cf. Richardson 1985, 296-269, ad loc.
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Homer’s use of the address form δαιµονίη for Hekabe at Iliad 24.194, has been particularly troublesome, and these problems have remained largely unresolved because the word’s etymology, its later use, and its generally negative tone contrast with the otherwise non-confrontational tone of Priam’s speech at Il. 24.194-199. This mismatch has led to a wide range of interpretations, and no general consensus. In this paper I argue that the term here appears to be undergoing grammaticalization in the direction of a discourse particle, and as such does not characterize the addressee but the context of Priam’s subsequent speech. Although use of the term by later authors shows that this process was terminated, nevertheless, the development of δαιµόνιε proposed here patterns with that of other divine address forms such as Latin mehercule! and edepol!, French mon Dieu!, English oh my God!, etc. which have come to function like other discourse particles such as wow!
All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 152 | 45 | 1 |
Full Text Views | 186 | 4 | 1 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 21 | 12 | 2 |