See Glancy, “Boasting of Beatings,” 134.

See Glancy, “Boasting of Beatings,” 134.)| false
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See L.L. Welborn, Paul, the Fool of Christ: A Study of 1 Corinthians 1-4 in the Comic-Philosophic Tradition (JSNTSup 293; London: T&T Clark, 2005); idem, “Towards Structural Marxism as a Hermeneutic of Early Christian Literature, Illustrated with Reference to Paul’s Spectacle Metaphor in 1 Corinthians 15.30-32,” The Bible and Critical Theory, 8.2 (2012) 27-35; V. Henry T. Nguyen, “The Identification of Paul’s Spectacle of Death Metaphor in 1 Corinthians 4.9,” nts 53 (2007) 489-501.

See L.L. Welborn, Paul, the Fool of Christ: A Study of 1 Corinthians 1-4 in the Comic-Philosophic Tradition (JSNTSup 293; London: T&T Clark, 2005); idem, “Towards Structural Marxism as a Hermeneutic of Early Christian Literature, Illustrated with Reference to Paul’s Spectacle Metaphor in 1 Corinthians 15.30-32,” The Bible and Critical Theory, 8.2 (2012) 27-35; V. Henry T. Nguyen, “The Identification of Paul’s Spectacle of Death Metaphor in 1 Corinthians 4.9,” nts 53 (2007) 489-501.)| false
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Bettina Bergmann, “Introduction: The Art of Ancient Spectacle,” in The Art of Ancient Spectacle (ed. Bettina Bergmann and Christine Kondoleon; Studies in the History of Art 56; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999) 27 (italics mine). Bergmann also states: “Obviously, spectators at events, readers or hearers of texts, and viewers of art require different stimuli, and these modes of communication need to be distinguished. But the fact that such varied media were interdependent, that they were regularly combined and referred to each other, points to a social phenomenon larger than the passing event, to a framework of thought that was inspired by spectacles” (13).

Bettina Bergmann, “Introduction: The Art of Ancient Spectacle,” in The Art of Ancient Spectacle (ed. Bettina Bergmann and Christine Kondoleon; Studies in the History of Art 56; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999) 27 (italics mine). Bergmann also states: “Obviously, spectators at events, readers or hearers of texts, and viewers of art require different stimuli, and these modes of communication need to be distinguished. But the fact that such varied media were interdependent, that they were regularly combined and referred to each other, points to a social phenomenon larger than the passing event, to a framework of thought that was inspired by spectacles” (13).)| false
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Bergmann, “Introduction,” 25. For a recent study on civic munificence and its flowering in the first and second centuries ce, and its connection with festivals and gladiatorial games in Asia Minor see Arjan Zuiderhoek, The Politics of Munificence in the Roman Empire: Citizens, Elites and Benefactors in Asia Minor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009) esp. 86-109.

Bergmann, “Introduction,” 25. For a recent study on civic munificence and its flowering in the first and second centuries ce, and its connection with festivals and gladiatorial games in Asia Minor see Arjan Zuiderhoek, The Politics of Munificence in the Roman Empire: Citizens, Elites and Benefactors in Asia Minor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009) esp. 86-109.)| false
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See Louis Robert, Les gladiateurs dans l’Orient grec (Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des hautes etudes 278; Paris: Champion, 1940; repr., Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1971).

See Louis Robert, Les gladiateurs dans l’Orient grec (Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des hautes etudes 278; Paris: Champion, 1940; repr., Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1971).)| false
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Robert, Gladiateurs, 62.

Robert, Gladiateurs, 62.)| false
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Tullia Ritti and Salim Yilmaz, Gladiatori e ‘venationes’ a Hierapolis di Frigia (Rome: Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, 1998) 443-543. Also see Tullia Ritti, An Epigraphic Guide to Hierapolis (Pamukkale) (trans. P. Arthur; Istanbul: Ege Yayinlari, 2006) 184-189; seg 46.1657-1661.

Tullia Ritti and Salim Yilmaz, Gladiatori e ‘venationes’ a Hierapolis di Frigia (Rome: Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, 1998) 443-543. Also see Tullia Ritti, An Epigraphic Guide to Hierapolis (Pamukkale) (trans. P. Arthur; Istanbul: Ege Yayinlari, 2006) 184-189; seg 46.1657-1661.)| false
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Ritti and Yilmaz, Gladiatori, 456.

Ritti and Yilmaz, Gladiatori, 456.)| false
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Ritti and Yilmaz, Gladiatori, 469. See Carter, “Gladiatorial Spectacles,” 253.

Ritti and Yilmaz, Gladiatori, 469. See Carter, “Gladiatorial Spectacles,” 253.)| false
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Ritti and Yilmaz, Gladiatori, 479-481.

Ritti and Yilmaz, Gladiatori, 479-481.)| false
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See Robert, Gladiateurs, 46-49. Kontokosta, “Gladiatorial Reliefs,” 200, notes that while the pose of the gladiateur dans sa gloire was popular on funerary monuments, it is unlikely that this particular stele is funerary, due to its size, the quality of the workmanship, and its πᾶλος inscription.

See Robert, Gladiateurs, 46-49. Kontokosta, “Gladiatorial Reliefs,” 200, notes that while the pose of the gladiateur dans sa gloire was popular on funerary monuments, it is unlikely that this particular stele is funerary, due to its size, the quality of the workmanship, and its πᾶλος inscription.)| false
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Roueché, Performers and Partisans,62. For the Greek stadium as a site for gladiatorial spectacles in the early imperial period, see Welch, “Greek Stadia and Roman Spectacles,” 117-145.

Roueché, Performers and Partisans,62. For the Greek stadium as a site for gladiatorial spectacles in the early imperial period, see Welch, “Greek Stadia and Roman Spectacles,” 117-145.)| false
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Kontokosta, “Gladiatorial Reliefs,” 203.

Kontokosta, “Gladiatorial Reliefs,” 203.)| false
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Kontokosta, “Gladiatorial Reliefs,” 199.

Kontokosta, “Gladiatorial Reliefs,” 199.)| false
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Carter, “Gladiatorial Spectacles,” 128.

Carter, “Gladiatorial Spectacles,” 128.)| false
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See David S. Potter, “Entertainers in the Roman Empire,” in Life, Death, and Entertainment in the Roman Empire (ed. D. S. Potter and D. J. Mattingly; Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1999) 315: “The average fight ended either with a wound to one of the contestants or when one fighter’s endurance gave out. The standard way of describing the end of a fight was with the phrase ad digitum, which referred to the point at which one fighter raised a finger to indicate that he had had enough or simply threw down his shield. It was then up to the referee to make sure that the fight ended: they are often depicted as standing between the victor and vanquished or even grabbing the hand of the victor to prevent his dealing a fatal blow.” For the pricing of gladiators see Kyle, Spectacles of Death, 84, referring to the fragmentary inscriptions of Aes Italicense, from Italica in Baetica in Spain, and Marmor Sardianum, from Sardis in Asia.

See David S. Potter, “Entertainers in the Roman Empire,” in Life, Death, and Entertainment in the Roman Empire (ed. D. S. Potter and D. J. Mattingly; Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1999) 315: “The average fight ended either with a wound to one of the contestants or when one fighter’s endurance gave out. The standard way of describing the end of a fight was with the phrase ad digitum, which referred to the point at which one fighter raised a finger to indicate that he had had enough or simply threw down his shield. It was then up to the referee to make sure that the fight ended: they are often depicted as standing between the victor and vanquished or even grabbing the hand of the victor to prevent his dealing a fatal blow.” For the pricing of gladiators see Kyle, Spectacles of Death, 84, referring to the fragmentary inscriptions of Aes Italicense, from Italica in Baetica in Spain, and Marmor Sardianum, from Sardis in Asia.)| false
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Potter, “Entertainers in the Roman Empire,” 307. See Martial, De spect. 31 for the famous fight between Priscus and Verus in the spectacles of the Flavian amphitheatre. Both gladiators fought to a draw and the crowd shouted for missio for both. However, the rule in this particular combat required the fight to continue until one gladiator raised a finger (i.e. was defeated and signalled for release from the editor). Therefore, to get round this rule, Titus judged them both victors instead. For text and commentary see Kathleen M. Coleman, M. Valerii Martialis Liber spectacvlorvm (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) 218-234.

Potter, “Entertainers in the Roman Empire,” 307. See Martial, De spect. 31 for the famous fight between Priscus and Verus in the spectacles of the Flavian amphitheatre. Both gladiators fought to a draw and the crowd shouted for missio for both. However, the rule in this particular combat required the fight to continue until one gladiator raised a finger (i.e. was defeated and signalled for release from the editor). Therefore, to get round this rule, Titus judged them both victors instead. For text and commentary see Kathleen M. Coleman, M. Valerii Martialis Liber spectacvlorvm (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) 218-234.)| false
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Georges Ville, La gladiature en Occident des origines à la morte de Domitien (ed. P. Veyne; Bibliothèque des écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 245; Rome: Palais Farnèse, 1981) 318-325, cited in Kyle, Spectacles of Death, 86.

Georges Ville, La gladiature en Occident des origines à la morte de Domitien (ed. P. Veyne; Bibliothèque des écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 245; Rome: Palais Farnèse, 1981) 318-325, cited in Kyle, Spectacles of Death, 86.)| false
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Brown, “Death as Decoration,” 180-211.

Brown, “Death as Decoration,” 180-211.)| false
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See Brown, “Death as Decoration,” 204; Futrell, Roman Games, 98-102.

See Brown, “Death as Decoration,” 204; Futrell, Roman Games, 98-102.)| false
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Kathleen Coleman, “Public Entertainments,” in Social Relations in the Roman World (ed. Michael Peachin; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011) 353.

Kathleen Coleman, “Public Entertainments,” in Social Relations in the Roman World (ed. Michael Peachin; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011) 353.)| false
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Futrell, Roman Games, 101.

Futrell, Roman Games, 101.)| false
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Simon R. F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).

Simon R. F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).)| false
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Mary Beard, John North, and Simon Price, Religions of Rome (2 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 1.349. That is, the various cults of the emperor in the east did not replace the traditional, local cults; they emerged alongside them. Also see 1.360.

Mary Beard, John North, and Simon Price, Religions of Rome (2 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 1.349. That is, the various cults of the emperor in the east did not replace the traditional, local cults; they emerged alongside them. Also see 1.360.)| false
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See Price, Rituals and Power, 53-77.

See Price, Rituals and Power, 53-77.)| false
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Carter, “Gladiatorial Spectacles,” 161. For a discussion of the role of honorific inscriptions as a return for the generosity of elite benefactors, as well as their use in justifying and maintaining social and political hierarchies, see Zuiderhoek, Politics of Munificence, 113-153.

Carter, “Gladiatorial Spectacles,” 161. For a discussion of the role of honorific inscriptions as a return for the generosity of elite benefactors, as well as their use in justifying and maintaining social and political hierarchies, see Zuiderhoek, Politics of Munificence, 113-153.)| false
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See Welborn, An End to Enmity, xix-xxviii.

See Welborn, An End to Enmity, xix-xxviii.)| false
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See Welborn, “Paul’s Spectacle Metaphor in 1 Corinthians 15:30-32,” 27-35. Scholarly debate centres on whether Paul is speaking literally or metaphorically in 1 Cor 15:32. Most are happy to assume that the image evoked in 1 Cor 15:32 is of a victim condemned ad bestias, with a close connection to the image in 1 Cor 4:9. However, it is also possible that 1 Cor 15:32 may instead refer to a venator, drawing a closer connection to the images of a well-trained runner and boxer in 1 Cor 9:24-27. Just this possibility is suggested in the early article by J. W. Hunkin, “I Corinthians 15:32,” ExpT, 39 (1928) 281-282. This interpretation would complete the identification of all three events associated with gladiatorial spectacles in the Corinthian correspondence.

See Welborn, “Paul’s Spectacle Metaphor in 1 Corinthians 15:30-32,” 27-35. Scholarly debate centres on whether Paul is speaking literally or metaphorically in 1 Cor 15:32. Most are happy to assume that the image evoked in 1 Cor 15:32 is of a victim condemned ad bestias, with a close connection to the image in 1 Cor 4:9. However, it is also possible that 1 Cor 15:32 may instead refer to a venator, drawing a closer connection to the images of a well-trained runner and boxer in 1 Cor 9:24-27. Just this possibility is suggested in the early article by J. W. Hunkin, “I Corinthians 15:32,” ExpT, 39 (1928) 281-282. This interpretation would complete the identification of all three events associated with gladiatorial spectacles in the Corinthian correspondence.)| false
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Nguyen, “Paul’s Spectacle of Death,” 497-501.

Nguyen, “Paul’s Spectacle of Death,” 497-501.)| false
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Welborn, An End to Enmity, xix-xxviii; idem, “The Corinthian Correspondence,” 236-239. The majority of scholars take canonical 2 Corinthians to be a composite text, acknowledging striking shifts in tone and content between fragments, identifying literary breaks in the text, and highlighting inconsistencies in reports at various stages throughout the letter. These difficulties, among others, strongly suggest that 2 Corinthians is a compilation of letter fragments. Out of the various partition theories, I am most convinced by the five-part partition theory of 2 Corinthians proposed and enumerated by Günther Bornkamm, Hans Dieter Betz, Margaret M. Mitchell and L.L. Welborn, and follow the sequence established by Welborn: 2 Cor 8, Appeal for Partnership in the Collection; 2 Cor 10-13, Polemical Apology; 2 Cor 2:14-6:13; 7:2-4, Conciliatory Apology; 2 Cor 1:1-2:13; 7:5-16, Therapeutic Epistle; 2 Cor 9, Appeal for Partnership in the Collection. See Welborn, An End to Enmity, xxvi. The shift in Paul’s discourse between the “polemical” apology and the “conciliatory” apology is not only evidenced by the softening of terms like καύχησις and πεποίθησις between these letter fragments, but also the complete omission of highly charged terms like ἀσθένεια and ἀφροσύνη (prevalent in 10-12) in 2:14-6:13; 7:2-4.

Welborn, An End to Enmity, xix-xxviii; idem, “The Corinthian Correspondence,” 236-239. The majority of scholars take canonical 2 Corinthians to be a composite text, acknowledging striking shifts in tone and content between fragments, identifying literary breaks in the text, and highlighting inconsistencies in reports at various stages throughout the letter. These difficulties, among others, strongly suggest that 2 Corinthians is a compilation of letter fragments. Out of the various partition theories, I am most convinced by the five-part partition theory of 2 Corinthians proposed and enumerated by Günther Bornkamm, Hans Dieter Betz, Margaret M. Mitchell and L.L. Welborn, and follow the sequence established by Welborn: 2 Cor 8, Appeal for Partnership in the Collection; 2 Cor 10-13, Polemical Apology; 2 Cor 2:14-6:13; 7:2-4, Conciliatory Apology; 2 Cor 1:1-2:13; 7:5-16, Therapeutic Epistle; 2 Cor 9, Appeal for Partnership in the Collection. See Welborn, An End to Enmity, xxvi. The shift in Paul’s discourse between the “polemical” apology and the “conciliatory” apology is not only evidenced by the softening of terms like καύχησις and πεποίθησις between these letter fragments, but also the complete omission of highly charged terms like ἀσθένεια and ἀφροσύνη (prevalent in 10-12) in 2:14-6:13; 7:2-4.)| false
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Furnish, II Corinthians, 278-288. For processional imagery, Paul B. Duff, “Apostolic Suffering and the Language of Processions in 2 Corinthians 4:7-10,” btb 21 (1991) 158-165; for athletic, Ceslas Spicq, “L’image sportive de II Corinthiens, IV, 7-9,” etl 13 (1937) 209-229; for gladiatorial, Krentz, “Paul, Games, and the Military,” 352-353; Concannon, “Not for an olive wreath, but our lives.”

Furnish, II Corinthians, 278-288. For processional imagery, Paul B. Duff, “Apostolic Suffering and the Language of Processions in 2 Corinthians 4:7-10,” btb 21 (1991) 158-165; for athletic, Ceslas Spicq, “L’image sportive de II Corinthiens, IV, 7-9,” etl 13 (1937) 209-229; for gladiatorial, Krentz, “Paul, Games, and the Military,” 352-353; Concannon, “Not for an olive wreath, but our lives.”)| false
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Ceslas Spicq, “L’image sportive,” 209-229; also see Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, New Testament Theology: The Theology of the Second Letter to the Corinthians (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) 44-49.

Ceslas Spicq, “L’image sportive,” 209-229; also see Jerome Murphy-O’Connor, New Testament Theology: The Theology of the Second Letter to the Corinthians (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) 44-49.)| false
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Spicq, “L’image sportive,” 215-217.

Spicq, “L’image sportive,” 215-217.)| false
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Spicq, “L’image sportive,” 228.

Spicq, “L’image sportive,” 228.)| false
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Concannon, “Not for an olive wreath, but our lives.” Also see Krentz, “Paul, Games, and the Military,” 352-353.

Concannon, “Not for an olive wreath, but our lives.” Also see Krentz, “Paul, Games, and the Military,” 352-353.)| false
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See Thrall, Second Epistle, 1.333-334. For Paul’s carrying around the dying of Jesus as a metaphor alluding to Graeco-Roman epiphany processions, see Paul B. Duff, “The Transformation of the Spectator: Power, Perception, and the Day of Salvation,” sblsp 26 (1987) 233-243; idem, “The Language of Processions,” 158-165. Allusions to processions and the carrying of images and other objects may also have evoked, in a gladiatorial context, the pompa. See the descriptions of the pompa in Pseudo-Quintilian, Decl. 9.6; Tertullian, De spect. 7.2-3; also see the Pompeian tomb relief in Marcus Junkelmann, “Familia Gladiatoria: The Heroes of the Amphitheatre,” in Gladiators and Caesars: The Power of Spectacle in Ancient Rome (eds. Eckart Köhne and Cornelia Ewigleben; Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000) 48. For the pompa in general, see Wiedemann, Emperors and Gladiators, 93-95; Fagan, The Lure of the Arena, 214-215.

See Thrall, Second Epistle, 1.333-334. For Paul’s carrying around the dying of Jesus as a metaphor alluding to Graeco-Roman epiphany processions, see Paul B. Duff, “The Transformation of the Spectator: Power, Perception, and the Day of Salvation,” sblsp 26 (1987) 233-243; idem, “The Language of Processions,” 158-165. Allusions to processions and the carrying of images and other objects may also have evoked, in a gladiatorial context, the pompa. See the descriptions of the pompa in Pseudo-Quintilian, Decl. 9.6; Tertullian, De spect. 7.2-3; also see the Pompeian tomb relief in Marcus Junkelmann, “Familia Gladiatoria: The Heroes of the Amphitheatre,” in Gladiators and Caesars: The Power of Spectacle in Ancient Rome (eds. Eckart Köhne and Cornelia Ewigleben; Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000) 48. For the pompa in general, see Wiedemann, Emperors and Gladiators, 93-95; Fagan, The Lure of the Arena, 214-215.)| false
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Thrall, Second Epistle, 1.334.

Thrall, Second Epistle, 1.334.)| false
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Roetzel, 2 Corinthians, 71. Also see Plummer, Second Epistle, 131; Furnish, II Corinthians, 256; Thrall, Second Epistle, 336.

Roetzel, 2 Corinthians, 71. Also see Plummer, Second Epistle, 131; Furnish, II Corinthians, 256; Thrall, Second Epistle, 336.)| false
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See Seneca, Ep. 7.

See Seneca, Ep. 7.)| false
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Mitchell, Paul, the Corinthians and the Birth of Christian Hermeneutics, 58-78.

Mitchell, Paul, the Corinthians and the Birth of Christian Hermeneutics, 58-78.)| false
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