See, for example, R.B. Rackham, The Acts of the Apostles (2nd ed.; London: Methuen, 1904) 477; J. Rousmaniere, After the Storm: True Stories of Disaster and Recovery at Sea (Camden, Maine: International Marine, 2002) 248; P.W. Walaskay, Acts (Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press, 1998) 235. In addition to comparisons with Jonah’s journey, the tempestuous sea voyage experienced by Paul has also been regarded as mirroring the trials and tribulations faced by Odysseus (D.R. Macdonald, “The Shipwrecks of Odysseus and Paul,” nts 45 (1999) 88-107); as containing the elements of escapist adventure and derring-do common to a Hellenistic romance (C.K. Bartlett, Luke the Historian in Recent Study (London: Epworth, 1961) 15, 53; R. Pervo, Profit With Delight: The Literary Genre of the Acts of the Apostles (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987); M. Reiser, “Von Caesarea nach Malta: Literarischer Charakter und historische Glaubwürdigkeit von Act 27,” in F.W. Horn (ed.), Das Ende des Paulus: Historische, theologische und literarische Aspekte (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 2001) 53; S.M. Praeder, “Acts 27:1-28:16: Sea Voyages in Ancient Literature and the Theology of Luke-Acts,” cbq 46 (1984) 693-695, 705); or as reflecting the death and resurrection of Christ (M.D. Goulder, Type and History in Acts (London: spck, 1964) 39, 65-66; A.J. Mattil, Jr., “The Jesus-Paul Parallels and the Purpose of Luke-Acts: H.H. Evans Reconsidered,” NovT 17.1 (1975) 13-46; Rackham, Acts, 477).

See, for example, R.B. Rackham, The Acts of the Apostles (2nd ed.; London: Methuen, 1904) 477; J. Rousmaniere, After the Storm: True Stories of Disaster and Recovery at Sea (Camden, Maine: International Marine, 2002) 248; P.W. Walaskay, Acts (Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press, 1998) 235. In addition to comparisons with Jonah’s journey, the tempestuous sea voyage experienced by Paul has also been regarded as mirroring the trials and tribulations faced by Odysseus (D.R. Macdonald, “The Shipwrecks of Odysseus and Paul,” nts 45 (1999) 88-107); as containing the elements of escapist adventure and derring-do common to a Hellenistic romance (C.K. Bartlett, Luke the Historian in Recent Study (London: Epworth, 1961) 15, 53; R. Pervo, Profit With Delight: The Literary Genre of the Acts of the Apostles (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987); M. Reiser, “Von Caesarea nach Malta: Literarischer Charakter und historische Glaubwürdigkeit von Act 27,” in F.W. Horn (ed.), Das Ende des Paulus: Historische, theologische und literarische Aspekte (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 2001) 53; S.M. Praeder, “Acts 27:1-28:16: Sea Voyages in Ancient Literature and the Theology of Luke-Acts,” cbq 46 (1984) 693-695, 705); or as reflecting the death and resurrection of Christ (M.D. Goulder, Type and History in Acts (London: spck, 1964) 39, 65-66; A.J. Mattil, Jr., “The Jesus-Paul Parallels and the Purpose of Luke-Acts: H.H. Evans Reconsidered,” NovT 17.1 (1975) 13-46; Rackham, Acts, 477).)| false
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D.S.B. Ezra, The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity: The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003) 57. See Ezra, Impact of Yom Kippur, 57-58 for the various rites depicted in On Jonah that appear relate to the Day of Atonement. For more on the tale of Jonah as the Haftarah for Minhah on Yom Kippur according to the Babylonian Talmud, b.Meg 31a, see I. Elbogen, Der jüdische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (1931; reprint Frankfurt: Kauffman, 1995) 182-183.

D.S.B. Ezra, The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity: The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003) 57. See Ezra, Impact of Yom Kippur, 57-58 for the various rites depicted in On Jonah that appear relate to the Day of Atonement. For more on the tale of Jonah as the Haftarah for Minhah on Yom Kippur according to the Babylonian Talmud, b.Meg 31a, see I. Elbogen, Der jüdische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (1931; reprint Frankfurt: Kauffman, 1995) 182-183.)| false
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D. Sperber, Nautica Talmudica (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press; Leiden: Brill, 1986) 99f.) With the Fast seemingly falling at the beginning of October, and all on board anxious to bring the voyage to an end before the worst of the winter weather set in, Paul’s voyage therefore appears to correspond reasonably closely to the seafaring calendars that have survived from antiquity. For example, the Greek poet, Hesiod, writing c. 700 bce, while recommending a sailing season that incorporated only the fifty days following the summer solstice, nevertheless recognized that many mariners would remain on the water for considerably longer and, as such, advised these seamen to bring an end to their voyaging before the start of October (Works and Days 645-648, 609-614. See also G.L. Snider, “Hesiod’s Sailing Season,” ajah 3 (1978) 129-135). From the other end of antiquity, an edict of the emperor Gratian, which dates to 380 ce, decreed that ships were not to leave port after 15 October, and all navigation was to cease at the beginning of November (Gratian’s edict is preserved in the Codex Theodosianus 13.9.3). Writing at about the same time, Vegetius adhered to a similar seasonal seafaring calendar and considered navigation on the Mediterranean to be safe up to 14 September, though from this date until 10 November seafaring activities were more open to risk, while from this point onwards the winter seas were closed to shipping (Epitoma rei militaris 4.39). For a recent study of the maritime calendars of antiquity, but which argues against any legally binding closure of the Mediterranean sea-lanes between late autumn and early spring, see J.M. Beresford, The Ancient Sailing Season (Leiden: Brill, 2013).

D. Sperber, Nautica Talmudica (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press; Leiden: Brill, 1986) 99f.) With the Fast seemingly falling at the beginning of October, and all on board anxious to bring the voyage to an end before the worst of the winter weather set in, Paul’s voyage therefore appears to correspond reasonably closely to the seafaring calendars that have survived from antiquity. For example, the Greek poet, Hesiod, writing c. 700 bce, while recommending a sailing season that incorporated only the fifty days following the summer solstice, nevertheless recognized that many mariners would remain on the water for considerably longer and, as such, advised these seamen to bring an end to their voyaging before the start of October (Works and Days 645-648, 609-614. See also G.L. Snider, “Hesiod’s Sailing Season,” ajah 3 (1978) 129-135). From the other end of antiquity, an edict of the emperor Gratian, which dates to 380 ce, decreed that ships were not to leave port after 15 October, and all navigation was to cease at the beginning of November (Gratian’s edict is preserved in the Codex Theodosianus 13.9.3). Writing at about the same time, Vegetius adhered to a similar seasonal seafaring calendar and considered navigation on the Mediterranean to be safe up to 14 September, though from this date until 10 November seafaring activities were more open to risk, while from this point onwards the winter seas were closed to shipping (Epitoma rei militaris 4.39). For a recent study of the maritime calendars of antiquity, but which argues against any legally binding closure of the Mediterranean sea-lanes between late autumn and early spring, see J.M. Beresford, The Ancient Sailing Season (Leiden: Brill, 2013).)| false
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M.L. Skinner, Locating Paul: Places of Custody as Narrative Settings in Acts (Leiden: Brill, 2003) 155.

M.L. Skinner, Locating Paul: Places of Custody as Narrative Settings in Acts (Leiden: Brill, 2003) 155.)| false
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Walaskay, Acts, 235.

Walaskay, Acts, 235.)| false
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Suetonius, Claudius 19; trans. J.C. Rolfe, Suetonius (Cambridge, Mass. & London: Harvard University Press, 1997). Though introduced following the famine that gripped Rome in 51 ce, Suetonius nevertheless claims that this provision remained in effect up until his own time of writing in the early 120s.

Suetonius, Claudius 19; trans. J.C. Rolfe, Suetonius (Cambridge, Mass. & London: Harvard University Press, 1997). Though introduced following the famine that gripped Rome in 51 ce, Suetonius nevertheless claims that this provision remained in effect up until his own time of writing in the early 120s.)| false
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