THE CITY OF TARSUS AND THE ARAB-BYZANTINE FRONTIERS IN EARLY AND MIDDLE ʿABBĀSID TIMES

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References

I Maslodi, Muruj al-dhahab, ed. and Fr.tr. C. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille, Les prairies d'or, Paris 1861-77, I, 264 = ed. and Fr.tr.Ch. Pellat, Paris and Beirut 1962-89, Les prairies d'or, § 282; idem, Kitab at-TanbTh wa 'l-ishräf, ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden 1894, 58, Fr.tr. B. Carra de Vaux, Le livre de I'avertissement et de la revision, Paris 1897, 87. 2 The silting-up by alluvium of the Cilician coastland has meant that the site of Tarsus is now some distance from the Mediterranean; already in early Islamic times, boats could no longer reach the city, and such a place as Qalamiyya (which gave its name to one of the gates of Tarsus, see below, p. 281), on the site of the modern Mersin, served as the city's main port. See M. Canard, Histoire de la dynastie des H'amdanides de Jaziran et de Syrie, I, Paris 1953, 282.

3 See Pauly-Wissowa, Rea!-Encyclop6die der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, new edn., IV.A/2, Stuttgart 1932, art. "Tarsos", cols. 2413-24 (Ruge). 4 Ibid., cols. 2424-32; Sir William M. Ramsay, The cities of St. Paul, their influence on his life and thought, London 1907, 85-244; Lexicon fur Theologie und Kirche, new edn. by Josef H6fer et alii, Freiburg 1957-67, IX, art. "Tarsos" (0. Volk), col. 1303. 5 Fred McGraw Donner, The early Islamic conquests, Princeton 1981, 111-12.

6 The line of defences to the rear, protecting northern Syria and al-Jazlra, was known as the Cawasim "protecting fortresses". See EI2 art.s.v. (Canard), and for a detailed geographical survey of the whole frontier region, idem, H'amdanides, 241-86. 7 Baladhuri, Futuh al-buldan, ed. de Goeje, Liber expugnationis regionum, Leiden 1866, 153; Tabari, Ta'rlkh al-Itusul wa 'J-mulük, ed. de Goeje et alii, Annales quos scripsit Abu Djctjar ... at-Tabari, Leiden 1879-1901, I, 2395-6; Ibn al-Athlr, al-Kltmil fi '1-td'rtkh, Beirut 1385-7/1965-7, 11, 494: Donner, op. cit., 148-51. 8 Ibn al-Athir, III, 86. 9 This mysteriously-named fortress is mentioned also by Tabari, II, 1267, as being raided by a]-'Abbas, together with T.w.l.s. (?) and Heracleia. 10 Tabari, III, 1236; Ibn al-Athir, IV, 578.

� � See J. B. Bury, A history of the Eastern Roman Empire from the fall of Irene to the acces- sion of Basil I (A.D. 802-867), London 1912, 244-9; A.A. Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes. I. La dynastie d Amorium (820-867), ed. Henri Gr6goire, Marius Canard et alii, Brussels 1935, 94-7. 12 See M. Bonner, "Jalt7lil and Holy War in early Islam", Der Islam 68 (1991), 45-64, who cites (p. 45) Baladhuri, 187-8, on the rebuilding of Malatya in early 'Abbasid times: that al-Mansur re-peopled Malatya with a garrison of 4,000 warriors from the army of al-Jazira, giving them addi- tional pay allowances (laIC7)) and provisioning allowances (malfina) "in addition to the jull which the tribes arrange amongst themselves". 13 See on al-Hasan, Patricia Crone, Slaves on horses, the evolution of the Islamic polity, Cam- bridge t980, 188; Hugh Kennedy, The early Abbasid caliphate, a political history, London- Totowa N.J. 1981, 79-80. �4 See David Ayalon, The military reforms of Caliph al-Mu'ta$im: their background and con- sequences, unpublished communication for the International Congress of Orientalists, New Delhi 1964, Jerusalem 1964, 4-12.

15 Text given in Ihsan 'Abbas (ed.), Shadharat min kutub mafquda fi 'I-ta,rTkh, Beirut 1408/1988,452-3. 16 See E12 art. "al-Hadath" (S. Ory). 17 Baladhuri, 169, Eng.tr. in E.W_ Brooks, "Byzantines and Arabs in the time of the early Abbasids", English Historical Review 16 (1901), 90; Ell art. "Tarsus" (F. Buhl).

18 See on him, Kennedy, op. cit., 74-5, and C. Edmund Bosworth, "Byzantium and the Syrian frontier in the early 'Abbasid period", Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on the history o/.B;7 Amman 141011990. English and French section, ed. M.A. al-Bakhit and R. Schick, Amman 1412/1991, 54-5. 19 Presumably his excessive pride in membership of the noble Arab family of 'Umar b. Hubay- ra, prominent servants of the preceding Marwanid dynasty, see Crone, op. cit., 107. zo Baladhuri, 169-70; Tabari, III, 604, Eng.tr. Bosworth, The History of al-Tabarl. XXX. The 'AbblJsid caliphate in equilibrium, Albany 1989, 99, with further references in n. 379, to which should be added Mascudi, Tanb7h, 189, tr. 255-6, and Bosworth, "Byzantium and the Syrian frontier". 21 Baiddhuri, 168. zz See Helene Ahrweiler, "L'Asie Mineure et les invasions arabes (VIIe-IXe siecles)", Revue Historique 237 (1962), 11-12. z3 Tabari, III, 370, tr. 290.

za See Bury, op. cit., 56 ff., 251-4, 462-4; Ahrweiler, op. cit., 26-8; M.V. Anastos, in The Cambridgemedieval history. IV. TheByzantineempire, ed. J.M. Hussey, Cambridge 1966-7, Part I. Byzantium and its neighbours, 92-102. z5 Tabari, III, 1103, Eng.tr. Bosworth, The History of al-Tabart. XXXII. The reunification of the `Abbasid caliphate, Albany 1987, 185-6; cf. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine empire 324-7453, Madison and Milwaukee 1964, I, 99-103. zb Tabari, III, 1104, tr. Bosworth, op. cit., 187; cf. Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, I, 103-4. 27 Bury, op. cit., 254-6; Vasiliev, op. cit., 1, 114-21. z8 Tabari, III, 1104-5, 1134, 1140, 1148, tr. Bosworth, op. cit., 186-7, 224, 231, 240; Maslddi, Muruj, VII, 1-2, 94, 102 = §§ 2694, 2778, 2784; idem, Tanblh, 351, tr. 459; cf. Vasiliev, op. cit., I, 121-4. z9 Mas`adi, Muruj, VI, 294 = § 2501; Ibn Sald, Kitab al-Tabaqät al-ka6ir, ed. E. Sachau et alii, Biographien Muhammeds, seiner Gefdhrten und der spdteren Träger des Islams bis zum Jahre 230 der Flucht, Leiden 1904-40, VII/2, 93. 3o Tabari, III, 1508; Mas`udl, Muraj, VII, 300 = § 2990; Ibn al-Athir, VII, 111, cf. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine empire, 247-9.

3� Mas'ud:, Muraj, VIII, 72 = § 3198. 3z Tarscisi, in Shadharat min kutub mafquda fi 'I-ta'rFkh, 45. 33 Tabarl, III, 1942, Eng.tr. Philip M. Fields, The History of al-TabarT. XXXVII. The 'Abbasid recovery, Albany 1987, 6-7; Maslfidi, Murüj, VIII, 71-2 = § 3197; Ibn a]-Athir, VII, 316-17. Cf. Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes. II. La dynastie macedonienne (867-9S9), Part 1, Brussels 1968, 87; Canard, in ibid., Part 2, Exiraits des sources arabes, Brussels 1950, 7-8, 39, 136; Zaki M. Hassan, Les Tulunides. Etude de I'Egypte musulman d !a fin du IXe siècle 868-905, Paris 1933, 66-7. 3a See Hassan, op. cit., 118, 121-2; Rainer Glagow, Das Kalifat des al-Mu'tat;lid billah (892-902), Bonn 1968, 61-7; EI2 art. "Khumarawayh" (U. Haarmann). 3s Tabari, III, 2140, Eng.tr. F. Rosenthal, The History of al-Tabari. XXXVIII. The return of

thecaliphatetoBaghdad, Albany 1985, 14; Mas'udl, Muruj, VIII, 146 = 3286; Ibn al-Athir, VII, 467. Cf. Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, IIII, 124; Canard, in ibid., II/2, 41-2, 140; Hassan, op. cit., 123. 36 Similar phenomena are observable at the opposite end of the Islamic world, in the Iberian peninsula, where Muslim murabitrin and mujdhidun faced Christian warriors, these last including members of religio-military orders; see the pertinent remarks of Amerigo Castro, The structure of Spanish history, Princeton 1954, 202 ff. 3� Tabari, III, 2199-2200, tr. Rosenthal, 90-1; Mas'ud), Murüj, VIII, 197-8 = § 3336. Cf. Vasiliev, Byzance et lesArabes, If/ 1, 140- 1; Canard, in ibid., II/2, 15-16, 42; Glagow, op. cit., 74-80. In practice, Muslim naval power cannot have been seriously impaired; in 289/902 an Arab fleet attacked the shores of Greece, ravaging the coast of Thessaly and attempting a landing in Atti- ca, and in 291/904 the Arabs reached the Hellespont and attacked Thessalonica. See Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, 11/1, 157-81; Canard, in The Cambridge medieval history. IV. The Byzan- tine empire, Part 1, 716-17.

3s See Vasiliev, op. cit., 11/1, 181-9, with references, to which should be added Canard, "Deux episodes des relations diplomatiques arab-byzantines au X° siecle", BEO 13 (1949-51), 56-9. 39 Masciidi, Mur�7j, II, 16-18 = § 456. See also Canard, "Arabes et Bulgares au debut du Xe siecle", Byzantion 11 (1936), 216-23; Vasiliev, op. cit., 11/1, 253-4. 40 Ibn a]-Athir, VIII, 233-4; Vasiliev, op. cit., II/l, 265-6; Canard, in ibid., II/2, 154. Muslim prisoners were doubtless taken in similar numbers by the Byzantines on other occasions. The geographer Ibn Rusta (who probably wrote at the end of the third/beginning of the tenth century), in his account of Constantinople derived from a Muslim captive there, Harun b. Yahya, mentions that there was a special prison in the Byzantine capital for the ahl Tarsas (Kitab al-Acl3q al-nafisa, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1892, 120, Fr.tr. Gaston Wiet, Cairo 1955, Les atours precieux, 136. Cf. J. Marquart, Osteuropdische und ostasiatische Streifzuge, ethnologische und historisch- geographische Studien zur Geschichte des 9. und 10. Jahrhunderts (ca. 840-940), Leipzig 1903, 216, and Canard, in Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, II/2, 379-82, 385, noting that the Tarsus prisoners were in 946 invited to an imperial banquet given for Muslim envoys to Constantinople). There were, of course, periodic exchanges of Muslim and Christian prisoners, the famous fidC7's; see ER Suppl.art. "Fida"' (Ch. E. Dufourq), and EI2 art. "Lamas-Su" (Cl. Huart). 41 Mascudi, Muri7ij, VIII, 294-5 = § 3449. 4z Vasiliev, op. cit., II/1, 266-70; Canard, H'amdanides, 733-5.

43 Ibn al-Athir, VIII, 485-6; Vasiliev, op. cit., II/1, 342-4; Canard, op. cit., 763-70. 4° Ibn al-Athir, VIII, 518; Vasiliev, op. cit., 11/1, 360; Canard, op. cit., 793. as Ibn al-Athir, VIII, 560-1; Canard, op. cit., 820-3. 46 See on the place's subsequent history, Eh art.s.v. 4� Mu`jam al-buldun, Beirut 1374-6/1955-7, IV, 28. as Tajurib a!-umam, ed. and Eng.tr. H.F. Amedroz and D.S. Margoliouth, in The eclipse of the `Abbasid caliphate, Oxford 1920-1, II, 211, tr. V. 225. The Byzantine historian George Cedrenus records that the gates of both Tarsus and al-Massisa were carried off as trophies to Con- stantinople and gilded, with one set placed in the citadel and the other on the wall of the Golden Gate; see El2 art. "al-Massisa" (E. Honigmann).

a9 al_Khapb at-Baghdad!, Ta'rikh Baghdad, Cairo 1349/1931, XII, 115, no. 6558; Ibn Khallik- an, Wafayat al-a'yC7n, ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1968-72, IV, 162, no. 557, Eng.tr. M.G. de Slane, Paris 1842-71, II, 567. 50 Yaqut, IV, 28-9. 51 Miskawayh, in op. cit., II, 211, 214, tr. V, 225-6. According to the geographer Maqdisi, writing some twenty years after the event in question, the greater part of the ahl al-thughur of Tarsus transferred to Baniyas in northern Palestine, forming a prosperous element there (Ahsan al-taqC7sTmjt malrifat al-aqali-m, ed. de Goeje, Descriptio imperii moslemici, 2nd ed., Leiden 1906, 160, partial Fr.tr. Andre Miquel, La meilleure repartition pour la connaissance des provinces, Damascus 1963, 176). See in general on the capture of the city, Canard, H'amdanides, 822-3.

52 Cited in ibid., 823. 53 Samlani, Kitab al-Ansab, ed. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya al-Yamani et alii, Hyderabad 1382-1402/1962-82, III, 80-1; Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam f ta'rlkh al-muluk wa 'l-umam, Hyderabad 1357-9/1938-41, VII, 128. s4 Cited in Shadharat min kutub mafqüda fi 'l-ta'rlkh, 47, 454-6. The extracts from Tarsusl's (now lost) Siyar al-thughur contained in Ibn al-'Adim's biographical dictionary of the scholars and notable persons of his native Aleppo, the Bughyat al-talab fi ta'rikh Halab, were noted thirty-five years ago by the late Marius Canard, who utilised the Istanbul manuscripts to give an account of, inter alia, TarsusC's information on the city of Tarsus ("Quelques observations sur l'introduction geographique de la Bughyat at'-t'alab de KamAl ad-Din Ibn al-'Adim d'Alep", Annales IEO Alger 15 [1957]. 47-53 = Miscellanea orientalia, Variorum Reprints, London 1973, no. X); but Canard's pioneering notice seem to have attracted little subsequent attention. The various items of informa- tion by Tarsus! have now been conveniently collected together by Professor Ihsan 'Abbas (see n. 15 5 above), and a more detailed study of them, with a verbatim English translation of the greater part of them, is given by the present writer in his "Abu 'Amr (Uthman al-Tarsusi's Siyar al-thughar and the last years of Arab rule in Tarsus (fourth/tenth century)", to appear in Graeco-Arabica 5 (Athens 1992).

ss Istakhri, Kitllb al-Masblik wa '1-mamSlik, ed. de Goeje, Viae regnorum. Descriptio ditionis moslemicae, Leiden 1927, 64; Yaqut, IV, 28. sb See on these two expressions, Dozy, Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, I, 844, II, 511. 57 See Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum. IV. Indices, glossarium et addenda et emendan- da, ed. de Goeje, Leiden 1879, 273: shurrafa, shurfa, sh.rafiyya = acrotorion muri. 58 See for this place, G. Le Strange, The lands of the Eastern Caliphate, Cambridge 1905, 134-5, 139; E. Honigmann, By�ance et les Arabes. IV Die Ostgrenze des byzantinisches Reiches von 363 bis 1071 nach griechischen, arabischen, syrischen und armenischen Quelle, Brussels 1935, 42. 59 See Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, 11/1, 102 and n. 5. so Shadharat, 449-51.

si Cited in Shadhardt, 448-52. s2 Ibid., 453-4. 63 See EJ2 art. "Ibn Hawkal" (Miquel). 64 Maqdisi, 152, tr. 156. ss Ibn Hawqal was not, in this instance, drawing upon his predecessor Istakhn, whose account, from a slightly earlier date than Ibn Hawqal's, is much less detailed and circumstantial. 66 Kitab Surat al-ard, ed. J.H. Kramers, Opus geographicum ... liber imaginis terrae, Leiden

and Leipzig 1938-9, I, 183-4, Fr.tr. Kramers and Wiet, Configuration de la terre, Beirut-Paris 1964, I, 181-2; cf. for the information of the geographers on Tarsus, Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, London 1890, 377-8. 67 Cited in Shadharat, 451-2. bs See on Muhallabi, E]2 art.s.v. (Ch. Pellat). 69 Harshness and boorish manners were a product of the uncertainty and turbulence of life along the thughiir; in another part of the Islamic world, Maqdisi characterises the inhabitants of Isfijäb, on the northern frontier of Transoxania facing the Turkish steppes, as rough and self- satisfied, like wild beasts (273, cited in Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, their empire in Afghanistan and eastern Iran 994-1040. Edinburgh 1963, 32). 7° Quoted in Canard, "Quelques observations sur l'introduction geographique de la Bughyat at'-t'alab", 46-7. 71 Abu Bakr al-$Cili, Kitab al-A wrt7q. A khbt7r al-Rt7(ti wa 'I-MuttaqT, ed. J. Heyworth-Dunne, Cairo 1354/ 1935, 237, French tr. Canard, Akhbar ar-Radt billah wa 'I-MuttaqI billâh. II. Histoire d'Al-Muttaqi, Algiers 1950, 70.

�2 Miskawayh, in The eclipse, II, 192-4, tr. V. 208-11; Ibn al-Athir, VIII, 540-2. �3 When the news reached the City of Peace, the people locked the doors of the markets and flocked to the caliphal palace, demanding that al-MuW should lead in person a retaliatory jihad (Dhahabi, Tn'rFkh al-Islam, cited in The eclipse, II, 200-1 n. 1). �4 Miskawayh, in The eclipse, II, 201-3, tr. V. 216-17; Ibn al-Athir, VIII, 552. �5 Miskawayh, in The eclipse, II, 222-8, tr. V. 234-42; Ibn al-AthIr, VIII, 569-71; Dhahabi, cited in The eclipse, V, 242 n. 1; cf. H. Busse, Chalif und Grossk6nig, die Buyiden im Iraq (945-1055), Beirut-Wiesbaden 1969, 146-7. The biographer Taj at-Din al-Subki mentions a poem said to have been written in 355/966 by the great Shafili scholar of Transoxania. Abu Bakr Muhammad al-Qaffal al-Shashi, in response to a poem by Nicephorus (a lengthy mimiyya in the tawil metre and in perfect Arabic!) taunting the Muslims for their humiliation at Byzantine hands; see Tabaqät al-ShC7filiyya al-kubra, Cairo 1224/1915. II. 181-4 = Cairo 1383-96/1964-76, III, 205-9. �6 See Ell art. "Ribat" (G. Marçais) which deals only, however, with the institution in the Muslim West. For the central and eastern Islamic lands-where the institution was equally impor- tant and where the terms ribat and khan(a)qdh became virtually interchangeable-see E]2 art. "Khankah" (J. Chabbi). '

�� W. Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion, Eng.tr., London 1928, 175-6; Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, 31-2. �s See EJ2 art. "_Djihad" (E. Tyan). 79 Castro, The structure of Spanish history, 88-9.

80 Maqdisi, 20, tr. 55, 146. 81 See Honigmann, Die Ostgrenze des byzantinischen Reiches, index.

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