Far from taking place in a vacuum, in Morocco the 2011 constitutional revision was assessed both from an internal political perspective and within the broader context of what has come to be called the ‘Arab Spring’. In this manner, the 2011 Moroccan Constitution has indeed marked an unprecedented change, declaring the State’s adherence to the protection of human rights, which are strictly related to the Western history of ‘secular constitutionalism’. Yet, in order to better understand the constitutional transition, one has to consider the religious characteristic of Moroccan monarchy which, on the other hand, makes it a prototype of a ‘globalizing monarchy’, especially within the context of mena (Middle East and Nord African) region.
The Moroccan constitutional transition can in fact be seen as a peculiar tool for taking into account endogenous and exogenous factors respectively. On the one hand, it allows us to investigate how an Islamic specific legal tradition interacts with some principles that represent the pillars of constitutional democracies and that, as such, have been universally recognised; at least in the West. On the other, the exceptionalism of ‘Moroccan spring’ lets us to evaluate how these very principles are contextualized in a peculiar context of mena region; by which, for the same reasons, one can draw more general considerations concerning the relationship between the pressing process of globalization and post-colonial Muslim-majority States.
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Laroui (1992): 41; Ayubi (1991): 46.
Sater (2007); Hammoudi (1997). To this respect, Hammoudi noted that King derived his prestige from his religious descent and the oath of allegiance as well as from other three other factors: ‘an apparatus of coercion devoted to the monarch; a multifaceted struggle against the urban political forces that grew out of the struggle for independence (basically a petty and middle bourgeoisie supporting the ideal of reform and progress); and an alliance with the rural notables’ (p. 25).
Held and Ulrichsen (2014): 1-10; Fiorita et alii (eds) (2014); López García (2012): 6-40; Corrao (2011); Mezran (2011); Weatcroft (2011).
Klabbers, Anne Peters; Geir Ulfstein (2011); Thomas Kleinlein (2012): 79-132; Christine E.J. Schwöbel (2011); Ferrarese (2009): 1-30; Gardbaum, (2008): 749-768; Búrca and Gerstenberg (2006): 243-262; Macdonald and Johnston (2005).
Chijioke Njoku (2006).
Sajó (2014): 54-78; Rosenfeld (2014): 79-110.
Benhabib (2004).
Saint-Prot and Rouvillois (eds) (2013); Hashas (2013): 10.
Kohstall (2010): 205.
Gadamer (2004): 301-302.
Mancini and Rosenfeld (2014); Levey and Modood (2008); Bouchard and Taylor (2007).
Glenn (2010): 24-35.
Esposito (2008): 117; Ferrajoli (2007): 888; Alicino (2013): 54.
Claisse (1992): 285: ‘Les populations des villes et des campagnes l’utilisent couramment pour désigner l’État et ses agents. Le mot apparaît aussi parfois dans la bouche d’un haut dirigeant qui utilise la formule « Dar Makhzen » à propos du Roi et de son entourage et plus généralement le palais Royal’. See also Chérif (1988).
Sater, (2009): 184.
Maghraoui (2011): 680.
Maghraoui (2011): 681.
Joffé (2009): 156.
Ventura (2014): 333-344.
Fernández Molina (2011): 436.
Zvan Elliott (2009): 213-227.
Kohstall (2010): 205.
Arieff (2013).
For more details Maghraoui (2011): 687-691.
Maghraoui (2009): 144.
Madani, Maghraoui; Zerhouni (2012): 16; Kohstall (2010): 200-204.
Masbah (2013): 6-7; López García (2013): 35-63; Muqtadar, (2013): 5-17; Schumacher (2011): 11-13.
Madani, Maghraoui; Zerhouni (2012): 6-10.
Benchemsi (2014): 343.
Fakhry (2012): 190-200.
Hoffman (2007); Pföstl (2011); Pföstl (2014): 239-268.
Henry; Springborg (2001): 35-56.
Howe (2005): 124-125; Hiskett (1994): 2; Pennell (2003): 41.
Storm (2007): 150-162.
Bras (2007): 93-125.
An-Na’im (2014): 401-408; Corrao (2014): 409-410; Walker (2013): 89-112; Steiner, Alston, and Goodman (2008): 517-550; Slaughter and Burke-White (2006): 327-352.
Maffettone (2013): 139-158.
Maffettone (2012): 905.
Maffettone (2005): 432.
Maffettone (2013): 157.
Walzer (1989): 536. See also Vincent (2002).
Benhabib (2011): 138.
Decaro Bonella (2014): 15-104.
Prickett (2013).
Handler; Linnekin (1984): 273-290.
Østebø (2014): 3-5.
Kobo (2012).
Glenn (2010): 24.
Pahuja (2011): 25.
Kratz (1993): 30-65.
Gushfield (1967): 351-36.
Benhabib (2007): 7-32.
Alicino (2010): 1-34.
All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
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Far from taking place in a vacuum, in Morocco the 2011 constitutional revision was assessed both from an internal political perspective and within the broader context of what has come to be called the ‘Arab Spring’. In this manner, the 2011 Moroccan Constitution has indeed marked an unprecedented change, declaring the State’s adherence to the protection of human rights, which are strictly related to the Western history of ‘secular constitutionalism’. Yet, in order to better understand the constitutional transition, one has to consider the religious characteristic of Moroccan monarchy which, on the other hand, makes it a prototype of a ‘globalizing monarchy’, especially within the context of mena (Middle East and Nord African) region.
The Moroccan constitutional transition can in fact be seen as a peculiar tool for taking into account endogenous and exogenous factors respectively. On the one hand, it allows us to investigate how an Islamic specific legal tradition interacts with some principles that represent the pillars of constitutional democracies and that, as such, have been universally recognised; at least in the West. On the other, the exceptionalism of ‘Moroccan spring’ lets us to evaluate how these very principles are contextualized in a peculiar context of mena region; by which, for the same reasons, one can draw more general considerations concerning the relationship between the pressing process of globalization and post-colonial Muslim-majority States.
All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 840 | 206 | 4 |
Full Text Views | 217 | 6 | 0 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 42 | 19 | 0 |