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See Hayden White, “The value of narrativity in the representation of reality”, Critical Inquiry, 7.1 (1980), pp. 5-27, p. 8: “real events do not offer themselves as stories”, and White’s discussion of history as a “symbolic discourse” The Content of the Form, Baltimore, The John Hopkins University Press, 1987, pp. 50-52, and Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative, trans. Kathleen Blamey and David Pellauer, Chicago, Unversity of Chicago Press, 1990.
Robert Hoyland, “Arab kings, Arab tribes and the beginnings of Arab historical memory in Late Roman Epigraphy”, in From Hellenism to Islam: Cultural and Linguistic Change in the Roman Near East, ed. H. Cotton, Cambridge, Cambridge Univerity Press, 2009, pp. 374-400; Greg Fisher Rome and the Arabs Before the Rise of Islam: A Brief Introduction, CreateSpace, 2013.
Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Munammaq, pp. 149-150.
Ibid., p. 31.
Ibid., p. 100, p. 130, p. 149, p. 219.
Ibid., p. 43, p. 44. The story is repeated at pp. 97-98 where Gaza is not mentioned, only al-Shām.
Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ, al-Adab 24; Ibn Ḥanbal Musnad 6, p. 316; Muḥammad ibn Mājah, Sunan Ibn Mājah, Riyadh, Dār al-Salām, 1999, al-Adab 24.
Ibid., 1, p. 158.
Ibid., 1, pp. 213-214.
Ibid., 1, p. 231.
al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, al-Libās, 28. Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ, al-Libās, 15.
Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, Tafsīr 53:3. See also al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, al-Malābis 31: “All those who lived [in the land] surrounding the Prophet of God had acquiesced to him, but only the King of Ghassān remained, and we used to fear that he would attack us.”
Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ, al-Maghāzī 80. Ibn Hishām, Sīra, 2, pp. 531-535.
Nadia Maria El-Cheikh, “Muḥammad and Heraclius: A Study in Legitimacy”, Studia Islamica 89 (1999), pp. 5-21 explored the relationship between Heraclius and Muḥammad, noting that Arabic historiography primarily characterises Heraclius in a legitimising role for Muḥammad’s prophetic mission. Her analysis of the Abū Sufyān ḥadīth concludes that Heraclius is portrayed in a more positive light (13, 20), but her sources are primarily drawn from historiography, and she did not analyse the ḥadīth of al-Bukhārī in its specific context in his Ṣaḥīḥ which implies that opinion on Heraclius was not universally positive.
See al-Azdī, Futūḥ, p. 2, p. 3, p. 4, p. 6, p. 8, p. 11, p. 22, p. 23, p. 34.
Ibid., p. 29.
Ibid., p. 20, p. 34.
Ibid., p. 28.
Ibid., p. 71, p. 97, p. 114, p. 195, p. 203.
Ibid., p. 97, p. 114.
Ibid., p. 203.
See Peter Webb, “Poetry and the Early Islamic Historical Tradition: Poetry and narratives of the Battle of Ṣiffīn”, in Warfare and Poetry in Middle Eastern Literatures, ed. Hugh Kennedy, London, ib Tauris, 2013, pp. 119-148, pp. 137-139.
Ibid., 1, p. 249.
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