See Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, 16-17; V. Lagardère, “La Tarîqa et la révolte des murîdûn en 539 h / 1144 en Andalus,” Revue de L’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée 35 (1983), pp. 163-64; C. Addas, “Andalusī Mysticism and the Rise of Ibn ʿArabī,” in The Legacy of Muslim Spain, ed. S. Kh. Jayyusi, Leiden, Brill, 1992, pp. 922-24; Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, 56-57 (in the editor’s introduction); cf. Dreher, Das Imamat, 16; idem, “L’Imāmat d’Ibn Qasī à Mértola (automne 1144-été 1145). Légitimité d’une domination soufie?” Mélanges de l’Institut Dominicain d’Études Orientales Du Caire 18 (1988), p. 197.

See Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, 16-17; V. Lagardère, “La Tarîqa et la révolte des murîdûn en 539 h / 1144 en Andalus,” Revue de L’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée 35 (1983), pp. 163-64; C. Addas, “Andalusī Mysticism and the Rise of Ibn ʿArabī,” in The Legacy of Muslim Spain, ed. S. Kh. Jayyusi, Leiden, Brill, 1992, pp. 922-24; Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, 56-57 (in the editor’s introduction); cf. Dreher, Das Imamat, 16; idem, “L’Imāmat d’Ibn Qasī à Mértola (automne 1144-été 1145). Légitimité d’une domination soufie?” Mélanges de l’Institut Dominicain d’Études Orientales Du Caire 18 (1988), p. 197.)| false
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On this political maneuver see Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 21-22; cf. Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 66-67 (in the editor’s introduction). Ibn Qasī was not the only rebel to act in such a way; on Ibn Mardanīsh see Addas, Quest for the Red Sulphur, pp. 16-17. It is plausible that Ibn Qasī viewed his Muslim rivals—the Murābiṭūn, Muwaḥḥidūn, and the fuqahāʾ (the exoteric doctors of the law), who denied his high spiritual status—as enemies worse than the Christians. This would correspond to the classical Shīʿī perception of the Sunnīs as posing a more imminent challenge and threat than non-Muslims; see, for example, E. Kohlberg, “The Development of the Imāmī Shīʿī Doctrine of jihād,” zdmg 126 (1976), pp. 64-86, especially pp. 69-70.

On this political maneuver see Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 21-22; cf. Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 66-67 (in the editor’s introduction). Ibn Qasī was not the only rebel to act in such a way; on Ibn Mardanīsh see Addas, Quest for the Red Sulphur, pp. 16-17. It is plausible that Ibn Qasī viewed his Muslim rivals—the Murābiṭūn, Muwaḥḥidūn, and the fuqahāʾ (the exoteric doctors of the law), who denied his high spiritual status—as enemies worse than the Christians. This would correspond to the classical Shīʿī perception of the Sunnīs as posing a more imminent challenge and threat than non-Muslims; see, for example, E. Kohlberg, “The Development of the Imāmī Shīʿī Doctrine of jihād,” zdmg 126 (1976), pp. 64-86, especially pp. 69-70.)| false
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See the discussion in Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 10-12.

See the discussion in Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 10-12.)| false
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See Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 11-13; Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 22-32; and the references above in n. 9.

See Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 11-13; Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 22-32; and the references above in n. 9.)| false
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Mainly Lagardère, “La Tarîqa” and Dreher, “L’Imāmat d’Ibn Qasī” (based on his Dissertation); see also T. Nagel, “Le Mahdisme d’Ibn Tûmart et d’Ibn Qasî: une analyse phénoménologique”, in Mahdisme et millénarisme en Islam, ed. M. García-Arenal, Aix-en-Provence, Edisud, 2000, pp. 125-135; M. García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform: Mahdīs of the Muslim West, Brill, Leiden, 2006, pp. 136-139, pp. 190-192 (I thank Prof. García-Arenal for this reference).

Mainly Lagardère, “La Tarîqa” and Dreher, “L’Imāmat d’Ibn Qasī” (based on his Dissertation); see also T. Nagel, “Le Mahdisme d’Ibn Tûmart et d’Ibn Qasî: une analyse phénoménologique”, in Mahdisme et millénarisme en Islam, ed. M. García-Arenal, Aix-en-Provence, Edisud, 2000, pp. 125-135; M. García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform: Mahdīs of the Muslim West, Brill, Leiden, 2006, pp. 136-139, pp. 190-192 (I thank Prof. García-Arenal for this reference).)| false
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See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 21-27; cf. Dreher, “L’Imāmat d’Ibn Qasī,” pp. 196-97.

See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 21-27; cf. Dreher, “L’Imāmat d’Ibn Qasī,” pp. 196-97.)| false
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See, for example, Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 228-43.

See, for example, Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 228-43.)| false
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Ibid., pp. 202-3 (Fa-kāna min dhālika mā yaṣilu ilaykum taḥt hādhā l-sitr al-malakūtī wa-l-khatm al-raḥamūtī wa-hiya l-ʿadhrāʾ al-razzān min al-fatayāt al-khayyirāt al-ḥisān lam yaṭmithhā ins qablahum wa-lā jānn nazalat min malakūt al-anwār ilā ḥujub al-asrār ilā fursh buyūt al-aḥrār); cf. the version in Dreher, Das Imamat, p. 134.

See M. Ebstein, “Secrecy in Ismāʿīlī Tradition and in the Mystical Thought of Ibn al-ʿArabī,” Journal Asiatique 298.2 (2010), pp. 303-43. Note that Ibn al-ʿArabī too perceives the mystical secret as a virgin; see Ibid., p. 332 n. 50. On the concept of amāna, see also Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 266-73.

See M. Ebstein, “Secrecy in Ismāʿīlī Tradition and in the Mystical Thought of Ibn al-ʿArabī,” Journal Asiatique 298.2 (2010), pp. 303-43. Note that Ibn al-ʿArabī too perceives the mystical secret as a virgin; see Ibid., p. 332 n. 50. On the concept of amāna, see also Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 266-73.)| false
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See Ebstein, “Secrecy”, pp. 338-39, pp. 341-42.

See Ebstein, “Secrecy”, pp. 338-39, pp. 341-42.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 245-51.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 245-51.)| false
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See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 201, p. 237, p. 265, p. 271, p. 323, pp. 325-26, p. 333, p. 346, pp. 348-49, pp. 351-58; cf. Ibid., pp. 292-304.

See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 201, p. 237, p. 265, p. 271, p. 323, pp. 325-26, p. 333, p. 346, pp. 348-49, pp. 351-58; cf. Ibid., pp. 292-304.)| false
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See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 136-43. The concept of tafḍīl/tafāḍul has its roots in the early debate over the leadership of the Islamic community, and is quite central to the Shīʿī worldview. However, the cosmological aspect of this concept is particularly characteristic of Ismāʿīlī writings. See E. Krinis, God’s Chosen People: Judah Halevi’s Kuzari and the Shīʿī Imām Doctrine, Brepols, Turnhout, 2014, pp. 70-71, pp. 117-139.

See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 136-43. The concept of tafḍīl/tafāḍul has its roots in the early debate over the leadership of the Islamic community, and is quite central to the Shīʿī worldview. However, the cosmological aspect of this concept is particularly characteristic of Ismāʿīlī writings. See E. Krinis, God’s Chosen People: Judah Halevi’s Kuzari and the Shīʿī Imām Doctrine, Brepols, Turnhout, 2014, pp. 70-71, pp. 117-139.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 211, p. 278, p. 296, p. 374; for Ismāʿīlī literature and the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-ʿArabī, see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 64-72. The link between the concepts of the Divine word (kalima) and imdād (see Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 376) is also familiar from Ismāʿīlī Neoplatonic works; see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, index, s.v. “imdād”.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 211, p. 278, p. 296, p. 374; for Ismāʿīlī literature and the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-ʿArabī, see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 64-72. The link between the concepts of the Divine word (kalima) and imdād (see Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 376) is also familiar from Ismāʿīlī Neoplatonic works; see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, index, s.v. “imdād”.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 219 (Fa-ʿalā hādhā yakūnu kull bāṭin ḥaqīqa li-kull ẓāhir wa-kull aʿlā ḥaqīqa li-kull adnā [. . .]); see also Ibid., p. 222, p. 254.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 219 (Fa-ʿalā hādhā yakūnu kull bāṭin ḥaqīqa li-kull ẓāhir wa-kull aʿlā ḥaqīqa li-kull adnā [. . .]); see also Ibid., p. 222, p. 254.)| false
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Ibid., pp. 248-49 (Wa-ʿlam anna kull ḥijāb min hādhihi l-ḥujub wa-kull falak min hādhihi l-aflāk innamā huwa ẓāhir wa-bāṭin fa-l-bāṭin ḥayāt al-ẓāhir wa-qiwāmuhu wa-nūruhu wa-midāduhu wa-l-ẓāhir qarār al-bāṭin wa-maqāmuhu wa-maʾāluhu wa-maʿāduhu [. . .]; cf. the version in Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, 100), p. 252 (Fa-khalaqa kull falak wa-kull ḥijāb min nūrihi wa-bāṭinihi wa-huwa ẓāhir mā fawqahu fa-in qulta khalaqa kull falak min ẓāhir [al-]falak al-ladhī fawqahu wa-huwa bāṭin al-ladhī huwa fīhi wa-nūruhu fa-huwa dhāka idh ẓāhir al-falak bāṭin al-adnā wa-nūruhu). See also Ibid., p. 307.

See also Ibid., p. 245.

See Ibid., p. 297; on the cosmic veils and bāṭin-ẓāhir see also Ibid., p. 217, p. 251, pp. 288-89, pp. 316-19.

See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, p. 87 and index, s.v. “ḥijāb”.

See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, p. 87 and index, s.v. “ḥijāb”.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 352-58, p. 372.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 352-58, p. 372.)| false
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Ibid., p. 325.

Ibid., p. 211, p. 296, p. 365, pp. 380-81; see also the esoteric interpretation of various religious commandments in Ibid., pp. 383-410.

Ibid., pp. 226-27, pp. 230-31. On bāṭin-ẓāhir, see also Ibid., p. 234, p. 240, p. 255, p. 274, p. 344, p. 395, pp. 397-98.

Ibid., p. 371 (Fa-l-biṭāna bi-l-ẓihāra wa-l-nūr bi-l-manāra wa-hiya jumla lā taftariqu wa-jism wa-rūḥ lā yanfaṣilu lakinna l-rūḥ imām al-jism wa-l-jism maʾmūm al-rūḥ [. . .]). On the body and spirit in this context see also Ibid., p. 368; cf. 222. For the (idiosyncratic) use of the terms biṭāna-ẓihāra, see also Ibid., p. 240, p. 242, p. 254, p. 263, p. 337, pp. 348-49, p. 355, p. 357, p. 370.

Ibid., pp. 249-50.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 247-48 (Wa-ʿlam anna ʿalā nisbat hādhayni l-falakayni l-ʿaliyyayni l-ẓāhirayni l-aqdasayni yanfaṣilu l-wujūd wa-anna ʿalā ṣūrat al-wālid yakūnu l-mawlūd wa-hādhāni l-falakāni ḥijābāni ʿalā falak adnā thumma yanfaṣilu falak al-raḥma l-ladhī huwa l-adnā bi-l-iḍāfa ilā l-aʿlā ilā falakayni ʿaliyyayni humā l-kursī l-ʿazīz al-ladhī huwa falak al-ḥayāt lil-ladhī taḥtahu wa-l-ʿarsh al-majīd al-ladhī huwa falak al-raḥma li-mā baʿdahu wa-l-aʿlā minhā ḥijāb ʿalā l-adnā wa-l-adnā falak ilā l-aʿlā wa-humā arḍ wa-samāʾ wa-saṭḥ wa-bināʾ fa-l-arḍ wa-l-saṭḥ lil-adnā wa-l-samāʾ wa-l-bināʾ lil-aʿlā thumma yanfaṣilu falak al-ʿarsh al-majīd al-ladhī huwa l-adnā bi-l-iḍāfa ilā l-aʿlā ilā falakayni ʿaliyyayni humā al-samāwāt al-ʿulā l-ladhī huwa falak al-ḥayāt lil-ladhī baʿdahu wa-l-araḍūna l-dunā l-lātī hunna falak al-raḥma li-mā tumidduhu [. . .] fa-kull arḍ fī nafsihā maʿa l-arḍ al-latī talīhā ḥijāb aʿlā ʿalā falak adnā wa-kull samāʾ fī dhātihā maʿa l-samāʾ al-latī talīhā ḥijāb aʿlā ʿalā falak adnā wa-kadhālika l-aflāk min kull arḍ wa-arḍ wa-samāʾ [. . .]; cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 99-100).

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 247-48 (Wa-ʿlam anna ʿalā nisbat hādhayni l-falakayni l-ʿaliyyayni l-ẓāhirayni l-aqdasayni yanfaṣilu l-wujūd wa-anna ʿalā ṣūrat al-wālid yakūnu l-mawlūd wa-hādhāni l-falakāni ḥijābāni ʿalā falak adnā thumma yanfaṣilu falak al-raḥma l-ladhī huwa l-adnā bi-l-iḍāfa ilā l-aʿlā ilā falakayni ʿaliyyayni humā l-kursī l-ʿazīz al-ladhī huwa falak al-ḥayāt lil-ladhī taḥtahu wa-l-ʿarsh al-majīd al-ladhī huwa falak al-raḥma li-mā baʿdahu wa-l-aʿlā minhā ḥijāb ʿalā l-adnā wa-l-adnā falak ilā l-aʿlā wa-humā arḍ wa-samāʾ wa-saṭḥ wa-bināʾ fa-l-arḍ wa-l-saṭḥ lil-adnā wa-l-samāʾ wa-l-bināʾ lil-aʿlā thumma yanfaṣilu falak al-ʿarsh al-majīd al-ladhī huwa l-adnā bi-l-iḍāfa ilā l-aʿlā ilā falakayni ʿaliyyayni humā al-samāwāt al-ʿulā l-ladhī huwa falak al-ḥayāt lil-ladhī baʿdahu wa-l-araḍūna l-dunā l-lātī hunna falak al-raḥma li-mā tumidduhu [. . .] fa-kull arḍ fī nafsihā maʿa l-arḍ al-latī talīhā ḥijāb aʿlā ʿalā falak adnā wa-kull samāʾ fī dhātihā maʿa l-samāʾ al-latī talīhā ḥijāb aʿlā ʿalā falak adnā wa-kadhālika l-aflāk min kull arḍ wa-arḍ wa-samāʾ [. . .]; cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 99-100).)| false
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See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 250, p. 310; cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 102.

See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 250, p. 310; cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 102.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 366.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 366.)| false
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Ibid., p. 247, pp. 309-15, p. 365.

See, for example, Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 240, p. 247, p. 248, p. 253, p. 297, pp. 307-8, p. 311, p. 353, pp. 361-62, p. 373. On creation as a written reality in which the created beings are letters, see also Ibid., p. 281.

See, for example, Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 240, p. 247, p. 248, p. 253, p. 297, pp. 307-8, p. 311, p. 353, pp. 361-62, p. 373. On creation as a written reality in which the created beings are letters, see also Ibid., p. 281.)| false
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See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, p. 62 n. 107.

See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, p. 62 n. 107.)| false
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See al-Ḥāmidī, Kanz al-walad, p. 165 (Wa-ʿalā dhālika fa-inna l-imām nafs wa-jibrāʾīl ʿaql al-maknī ʿanhu bi-l-khayāl wa-mīkāʾīl ghayb al-maknī ʿanhu bi-l-fatḥ wa-jibrāʾīl nafs wa-mīkāʾīl ʿaql wa-isrāfīl ghayb al-maknī ʿanhu bi-l-jadd wa-mīkāʾīl nafs wa-isrāfīl ʿaql wa-nafs al-kull ghayb wa-isrāfīl nafs wa-l-nafs al-kulliyya ʿaql wa-l-ʿaqlī [sic] ghayb lā yudraku wa-kadhālika nafs al-kull nafs wa-l-ʿaql bi-l-ḥaqīqa ʿaql wa-ghayb hādhihi l-ghuyūb ghayb lā tatajāsaru naḥwahu l-khawāṭir [. . .]).

See al-Ḥāmidī, Kanz al-walad, p. 165 (Wa-ʿalā dhālika fa-inna l-imām nafs wa-jibrāʾīl ʿaql al-maknī ʿanhu bi-l-khayāl wa-mīkāʾīl ghayb al-maknī ʿanhu bi-l-fatḥ wa-jibrāʾīl nafs wa-mīkāʾīl ʿaql wa-isrāfīl ghayb al-maknī ʿanhu bi-l-jadd wa-mīkāʾīl nafs wa-isrāfīl ʿaql wa-nafs al-kull ghayb wa-isrāfīl nafs wa-l-nafs al-kulliyya ʿaql wa-l-ʿaqlī [sic] ghayb lā yudraku wa-kadhālika nafs al-kull nafs wa-l-ʿaql bi-l-ḥaqīqa ʿaql wa-ghayb hādhihi l-ghuyūb ghayb lā tatajāsaru naḥwahu l-khawāṭir [. . .]).)| false
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See, for example, Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 360-61.

See, for example, Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 360-61.)| false
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See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 33-76.

See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 33-76.)| false
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See Ibid., pp. 72-76.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 246 ([. . .] Wa-innamā huwa faṣl irādī lil-ḥayāt al-qayyūmiyya [. . .] wa-l-faṣl al-irādī huwa naʿt al-ḥayāt wa-tarawḥun al-kalimāt al-tāmmāt fa-hādhihi l-ḥayāt muttaṣila bāṭina buṭūn al-irāda wa-l-kalima munfaṣila ẓāhira ẓuhūr al-nūr fī l-iḍāʾa); see also Ibid., p. 249.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 246 ([. . .] Wa-innamā huwa faṣl irādī lil-ḥayāt al-qayyūmiyya [. . .] wa-l-faṣl al-irādī huwa naʿt al-ḥayāt wa-tarawḥun al-kalimāt al-tāmmāt fa-hādhihi l-ḥayāt muttaṣila bāṭina buṭūn al-irāda wa-l-kalima munfaṣila ẓāhira ẓuhūr al-nūr fī l-iḍāʾa); see also Ibid., p. 249.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 246-47 (Wa-ʿlam anna l-kalima nūr yaqūmu fī l-ḥayāt wa-rūḥ faṣṣalathu tilka l-irāda wa-huwa ẓuhūr al-rūḥ ḥajman wa-qiyām al-nūr jisman fa-idhā arāda l-amr jalla jalāluhu qāla lahu kun fa-kāna fa-bi-ḥayāt al-irāda ẓahara l-amr nūran qāʾiman wa-wujūdan ẓāhiran [. . .] fa-hādha l-amr al-ladhī ẓahara huwa l-kalima l-ḥaqq al-ladhī qāma nūran jismāniyyan wa-wujūdan dhātiyyan wa-kalimat al-ḥaqq jalla jalāluhu ḥayya qāʾima bi-tilka l-ḥayāt al-irādiyya [. . .]).

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 246-47 (Wa-ʿlam anna l-kalima nūr yaqūmu fī l-ḥayāt wa-rūḥ faṣṣalathu tilka l-irāda wa-huwa ẓuhūr al-rūḥ ḥajman wa-qiyām al-nūr jisman fa-idhā arāda l-amr jalla jalāluhu qāla lahu kun fa-kāna fa-bi-ḥayāt al-irāda ẓahara l-amr nūran qāʾiman wa-wujūdan ẓāhiran [. . .] fa-hādha l-amr al-ladhī ẓahara huwa l-kalima l-ḥaqq al-ladhī qāma nūran jismāniyyan wa-wujūdan dhātiyyan wa-kalimat al-ḥaqq jalla jalāluhu ḥayya qāʾima bi-tilka l-ḥayāt al-irādiyya [. . .]).)| false
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Ibid., p. 253, p. 296, p. 313.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 375-77. Note that the term al-kalimāt al-tāmmāt (see also Ibid., p. 281), though based on the Qurʾān (Cor 6, 115), seems, in its cosmogonic-cosmological context, to ultimately originate in the Ikhwān’s Epistles; see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, p. 48, p. 50, p. 150.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 375-77. Note that the term al-kalimāt al-tāmmāt (see also Ibid., p. 281), though based on the Qurʾān (Cor 6, 115), seems, in its cosmogonic-cosmological context, to ultimately originate in the Ikhwān’s Epistles; see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, p. 48, p. 50, p. 150.)| false
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Ibid., pp. 45-57, pp. 149-51, pp. 212-29; concerning Ibn Masarra and the Divine names, see particularly his Kitāb Khawāṣṣ al-ḥurūf.

See, for example, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 285, p. 289, p. 305, p. 324, p. 332, p. 335, p. 368; note also the term kalimat/kalām al-ṣidq (“the truthful word/speech”) or similar expressions (such as ṣadaqat al-kalima, “the word became verified”) in Ibid., p. 205, p. 209, p. 233, p. 235, p. 271, p. 290, p. 351, pp. 365-66, p. 383, p. 392.

See, for example, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 285, p. 289, p. 305, p. 324, p. 332, p. 335, p. 368; note also the term kalimat/kalām al-ṣidq (“the truthful word/speech”) or similar expressions (such as ṣadaqat al-kalima, “the word became verified”) in Ibid., p. 205, p. 209, p. 233, p. 235, p. 271, p. 290, p. 351, pp. 365-66, p. 383, p. 392.)| false
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Ibid., pp. 207-9, pp. 277-79.

Ibid., p. 210, p. 224, p. 238, p. 269, p. 310. On mashīʾa and kalima in the context of creation, see Ibid., p. 222, p. 251, p. 361, and cf. Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, index, s.v. “mashīʾa”.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 256, p. 283, p. 385.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 256, p. 283, p. 385.)| false
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Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 57-64.

Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 57-64.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 275, p. 307, p. 308, p. 310, p. 351, p. 360. On amr as a source of mystical knowledge or experience, see also Ibid., p. 213.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 275, p. 307, p. 308, p. 310, p. 351, p. 360. On amr as a source of mystical knowledge or experience, see also Ibid., p. 213.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 255-56 (Wa-ʿlam anna bi-nuzūl ādam yanzilu l-kull min mustaqarr raḥmatihi ilā mustaqarr wa-min maqām ilā maqām [. . .]; Fa-lammā nazala ādam ilā ẓāhir al-arḍ nazala l-rūḥ al-amīn ilā bāṭinihā wa-huwa ẓāhir al-samāʾ wa-nazala l-qalam al-aʿlā ilā bāṭinihā wa-huwa ẓāhir al-ʿarsh al-majīd nuzūl rūḥ al-qudus ilā bāṭinihi wa-huwa ẓāhir al-ʿarsh al-ʿaẓīm al-ladhī huwa l-kursī l-ʿazīz; Wa-lammā tanazzala rūḥ al-qudus ẓāhir al-ʿarsh al-ʿaẓīm nazala rūḥ al-ḥayāt ilā bāṭinihi wa-huwa ẓāhir al-ʿarsh al-karīm al-ladhī huwa falak al-raḥma); cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 109.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 255-56 (Wa-ʿlam anna bi-nuzūl ādam yanzilu l-kull min mustaqarr raḥmatihi ilā mustaqarr wa-min maqām ilā maqām [. . .]; Fa-lammā nazala ādam ilā ẓāhir al-arḍ nazala l-rūḥ al-amīn ilā bāṭinihā wa-huwa ẓāhir al-samāʾ wa-nazala l-qalam al-aʿlā ilā bāṭinihā wa-huwa ẓāhir al-ʿarsh al-majīd nuzūl rūḥ al-qudus ilā bāṭinihi wa-huwa ẓāhir al-ʿarsh al-ʿaẓīm al-ladhī huwa l-kursī l-ʿazīz; Wa-lammā tanazzala rūḥ al-qudus ẓāhir al-ʿarsh al-ʿaẓīm nazala rūḥ al-ḥayāt ilā bāṭinihi wa-huwa ẓāhir al-ʿarsh al-karīm al-ladhī huwa falak al-raḥma); cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 109.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 256, pp. 266-73. See also Ibid., pp. 284-85, pp. 337-39.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 256, pp. 266-73. See also Ibid., pp. 284-85, pp. 337-39.)| false
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See H. Halm, Die islamische Gnosis: die extreme Schia und die ʿAlawiten, Zurich, Artemis, 1982, especially pp. 7-26; idem, Kosmologie, p. 17 n. 75, pp. 115-27 and index, s.v. “Gnosis”; H. Corbin, “From the Gnosis of Antiquity to Ismaili Gnosis”, trans. J. W. Morris, in Cyclical Time and Ismaili Gnosis, London, Kegan Paul, 1983, pp. 151-93; G. Widengren, “The Gnostic Technical Language in the Rasāʾil Iḫwān al-ṣafāʾ,” in Actas do iv Congresso de Estudos Àrabes e Islâmicos, Coimbra-Lisboa 1 a 8 de Septembro de 1968, Leiden, Brill, 1971, pp. 181-203; S. M. Wasserstrom, “The Moving Finger Writes: Mughīra B. Saʿīd’s Islamic Gnosis and the Myths of Its Rejection,” History of Religions 25 (1985), pp. 1-29; D. De Smet, “Éléments chrétiens dans l’ismaélisme yéménite sous les derniers fatimides: le problème de la gnose ṭayyibite,” in L’Égypte Fatimide: son art et son histoire: Actes du colloque organisé à Paris les 28, 29 et 30 mai 1998, ed. M. Barrucand, Paris, Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1999, pp. 45-53. On the problems related to the use of the term “gnosticism” and “gnostic”, see mainly M. A. Williams, Rethinking “Gnosticism”: an Argument for Dismantling a Dubious Category, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1996; K. L. King, What is Gnosticism? Cambridge, Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003.

See H. Halm, Die islamische Gnosis: die extreme Schia und die ʿAlawiten, Zurich, Artemis, 1982, especially pp. 7-26; idem, Kosmologie, p. 17 n. 75, pp. 115-27 and index, s.v. “Gnosis”; H. Corbin, “From the Gnosis of Antiquity to Ismaili Gnosis”, trans. J. W. Morris, in Cyclical Time and Ismaili Gnosis, London, Kegan Paul, 1983, pp. 151-93; G. Widengren, “The Gnostic Technical Language in the Rasāʾil Iḫwān al-ṣafāʾ,” in Actas do iv Congresso de Estudos Àrabes e Islâmicos, Coimbra-Lisboa 1 a 8 de Septembro de 1968, Leiden, Brill, 1971, pp. 181-203; S. M. Wasserstrom, “The Moving Finger Writes: Mughīra B. Saʿīd’s Islamic Gnosis and the Myths of Its Rejection,” History of Religions 25 (1985), pp. 1-29; D. De Smet, “Éléments chrétiens dans l’ismaélisme yéménite sous les derniers fatimides: le problème de la gnose ṭayyibite,” in L’Égypte Fatimide: son art et son histoire: Actes du colloque organisé à Paris les 28, 29 et 30 mai 1998, ed. M. Barrucand, Paris, Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1999, pp. 45-53. On the problems related to the use of the term “gnosticism” and “gnostic”, see mainly M. A. Williams, Rethinking “Gnosticism”: an Argument for Dismantling a Dubious Category, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1996; K. L. King, What is Gnosticism? Cambridge, Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003.)| false
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See al-Ḥāmidī, Kanz al-walad, pp. 65-133, pp. 157-313; see also the discussion and references in Halm, Kosmologie, pp. 85-89; Daftary, The Ismāʿīlīs, pp. 269-75; De Smet, “Éléments chrétiens”.

See al-Ḥāmidī, Kanz al-walad, pp. 65-133, pp. 157-313; see also the discussion and references in Halm, Kosmologie, pp. 85-89; Daftary, The Ismāʿīlīs, pp. 269-75; De Smet, “Éléments chrétiens”.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 206-13. It appears that Ibn Qasī’s use of the story of Moses was ultimately inspired by al-Ghazālī’s Mishkāt al-anwār. In the latter work, al-Ghazālī likewise interprets the Divine command to Moses to remove his two sandals in a mystical way: one must rid oneself of the desire for both this world and the world to come, focusing his spiritual aspirations on God alone. See Abū Ḥāmid Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Ghazālī, Mishkāt al-anwār wa-miṣfāt al-asrār, ed. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Sayrawān, Beirut, Ālām al-Kutub, 1986, pp. 157-158, pp. 160-163.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 206-13. It appears that Ibn Qasī’s use of the story of Moses was ultimately inspired by al-Ghazālī’s Mishkāt al-anwār. In the latter work, al-Ghazālī likewise interprets the Divine command to Moses to remove his two sandals in a mystical way: one must rid oneself of the desire for both this world and the world to come, focusing his spiritual aspirations on God alone. See Abū Ḥāmid Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Ghazālī, Mishkāt al-anwār wa-miṣfāt al-asrār, ed. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Sayrawān, Beirut, Ālām al-Kutub, 1986, pp. 157-158, pp. 160-163.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 226, p. 266, p. 365. Note that the awliyāʾ are also called al-rāsikhūn fī-l-ʿilm (or al-rāsikhīn/al-rāsikhiyya), “those rooted in [Divine] knowledge”, an important term in Islamic mysticism and specifically in the Shīʿī tradition, where it is applied to the imāms. See M. A. Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism: the Sources of Esotericism in Islam, trans. D. Streight, Albany, State University of New York Press, 1994, p. 197 n. 402.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 226, p. 266, p. 365. Note that the awliyāʾ are also called al-rāsikhūn fī-l-ʿilm (or al-rāsikhīn/al-rāsikhiyya), “those rooted in [Divine] knowledge”, an important term in Islamic mysticism and specifically in the Shīʿī tradition, where it is applied to the imāms. See M. A. Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism: the Sources of Esotericism in Islam, trans. D. Streight, Albany, State University of New York Press, 1994, p. 197 n. 402.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 226, p. 385.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 226, p. 385.)| false
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Ibid., p. 366.

Ibid., p. 262, p. 279. The derivatives of the root kh.ṣ.ṣ., which signify exclusivity as determined by God, and those of the root ṣ.f.y., which denote election by God, occur frequently in the Khalʿ; see, for instance, Ibid., pp. 206-7, p. 211, p. 231, pp. 238-41, p. 243, p. 258, p. 289, p. 310, p. 326.

Ibid., p. 231 (Wa-mā min karāma khtaṣṣa bihā nabī wa-lā walāya sabaqat qabl li-walī illā jumiʿat fī nubuwwatihi wa-ẓaharat fīmā baʿdu fī l-qurbā min dhurriyyatihi wa-l-ghurabāʾ min ummatihi [. . .]; cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 87). On karāmāt and walāyāt see also Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, 235. Note that Ibn Qasī himself is said to have been a miracle worker; see al-Marrākushī, al-Muʿjib, p. 155; Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Aʿmāl al-aʿlām, pp. 249-50; Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 17-18; Dreher, “L’Imāmat d’Ibn Qasī,” p. 205. The term ghurabāʾ appears in other paragraphs as well in the Khalʿ; see Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 236, p. 238, p. 242. On the religious-political significance of this term, particularly in the Andalusī context, see M. Fierro, “Spiritual Alienation and Political Activism: The Ġurabāʾ in al-Andalus during the Sixth/Twelfth Century,” Arabica, 47.2 (2000), pp. 230-60.

See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 220-24, pp. 281-83 (note that in p. 222 of the printed edition, a long and important passage is missing; see the version in Ibn al-ʿArabī, Sharḥ Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, Veliyuddin ms. 1673, fol. 22a-23b; idem, Sharḥ Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, Yūsuf Āghā ms. 7838, fol. 91a-96a; Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 158-63). On the primordial covenants mentioned here and for their interpretations in Shīʿī and in Sunnī-mystical sources, see ei3, s.v. “Covenant (Religious) Pre-Eternal (ʿAhd, Mīthāq)” (M. Ebstein). On the motif of “Muḥammad’s light” in Ḥadīth literature, see U. Rubin, “Pre-Existence and Light: Aspects of the Concept of Nūr Muḥammad,” Israel Oriental Studies 5 (1975), pp. 62-119.

See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 220-24, pp. 281-83 (note that in p. 222 of the printed edition, a long and important passage is missing; see the version in Ibn al-ʿArabī, Sharḥ Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, Veliyuddin ms. 1673, fol. 22a-23b; idem, Sharḥ Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, Yūsuf Āghā ms. 7838, fol. 91a-96a; Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 158-63). On the primordial covenants mentioned here and for their interpretations in Shīʿī and in Sunnī-mystical sources, see ei³, s.v. “Covenant (Religious) Pre-Eternal (ʿAhd, Mīthāq)” (M. Ebstein). On the motif of “Muḥammad’s light” in Ḥadīth literature, see U. Rubin, “Pre-Existence and Light: Aspects of the Concept of Nūr Muḥammad,” Israel Oriental Studies 5 (1975), pp. 62-119.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 238.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 238.)| false
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See Ibid., pp. 359-372.

See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 143-56; Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 110, pp. 151-56 (in the editor’s introduction).

See Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 143-56; Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 110, pp. 151-56 (in the editor’s introduction).)| false
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See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 220-43; for Ismāʿīlī sources, see, for example, Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ, Rasāʾil, 3, pp. 315-20; al-Qāḍī l-Nuʿmān, Abū Ḥanīfa Muḥammad, al-Risāla l-mudhhiba, in Khams rasāʾil ismāʿīliyya, ed. ʿĀrif Tāmir, Salamiyya, Dār al-Anṣāf, 1956, p. 44; al-Sijistānī, Kitāb al-Iftikhār, ed. I. Poonawala, Beirut, Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 2000, pp. 143-45, pp. 178-79; al-Kirmānī, Kitāb al-riyāḍ, p. 86, p. 157. Note also such terms in the Khalʿ as al-dawra l-falakiyya (“the turn of the celestial sphere”) in connection with the prophetic period of Jesus (Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 228, p. 232), which are reminiscent of the Ismāʿīlī notion of historical cycles (adwār, singular: dawr) and their celestial, astronomical roots (see, for instance, the reference to the Ikhwān in this note). On the notion of parallel worlds, according to which the different dimensions of reality all correspond to each other, central to Ismāʿīlī thought as well as to the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-ʿArabī, see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 189-229.

See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 220-43; for Ismāʿīlī sources, see, for example, Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ, Rasāʾil, 3, pp. 315-20; al-Qāḍī l-Nuʿmān, Abū Ḥanīfa Muḥammad, al-Risāla l-mudhhiba, in Khams rasāʾil ismāʿīliyya, ed. ʿĀrif Tāmir, Salamiyya, Dār al-Anṣāf, 1956, p. 44; al-Sijistānī, Kitāb al-Iftikhār, ed. I. Poonawala, Beirut, Dār al-Gharb al-Islāmī, 2000, pp. 143-45, pp. 178-79; al-Kirmānī, Kitāb al-riyāḍ, p. 86, p. 157. Note also such terms in the Khalʿ as al-dawra l-falakiyya (“the turn of the celestial sphere”) in connection with the prophetic period of Jesus (Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 228, p. 232), which are reminiscent of the Ismāʿīlī notion of historical cycles (adwār, singular: dawr) and their celestial, astronomical roots (see, for instance, the reference to the Ikhwān in this note). On the notion of parallel worlds, according to which the different dimensions of reality all correspond to each other, central to Ismāʿīlī thought as well as to the writings of Ibn Masarra and Ibn al-ʿArabī, see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, pp. 189-229.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 383-410; for Ismāʿīlī sources, see, for instance, al-Ḥāmidī, Kanz al-walad, pp. 205-12, p. 269; al-Qāḍī l-Nuʿmān, Taʾwīl al-daʿāʾim, Beirut, Muʾassasat al-Aʿlamī lil-Maṭbūʿāt, 2006.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 383-410; for Ismāʿīlī sources, see, for instance, al-Ḥāmidī, Kanz al-walad, pp. 205-12, p. 269; al-Qāḍī l-Nuʿmān, Taʾwīl al-daʿāʾim, Beirut, Muʾassasat al-Aʿlamī lil-Maṭbūʿāt, 2006.)| false
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Ibid., pp. 234-35 ([. . .] Yakūnu fatḥ bāb al-tawba min nāḥiyat maghrib al-shams [. . .] wa-fī fatḥihi takūnu kulliyyat al-akwān ziyādat al-azmān wa-isfār al-ʿadhrāʾ al-batūl fāṭima l-zahrāʾ ʿan maḥāsinihā l-ḥisān), p. 238; cf. Dreher, Das Imamat, p. 191; see also the discussion in Ibid., pp. 45-46. Al-batūl as an epithet of Fāṭima is well known from Shīʿī literature; see Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide, p. 183 n. 296.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 235-38 (p. 236: [. . .] Wa-kadhālika yakūnūna ilā an yutimma llāh nūrahu wa-yuballigha taqdīrahu wa-yarfaʿa ḥujubahu wa-sutūrahu; p. 237: [. . .] Al-mulāḥiẓūna ḥaḍrat al-ʿazīza [read: al-ʿazīz, see Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 91; Dreher, Das Imamat, p. 188] l-jabbār fīhim tamtāzu l-walāyāt wa-l-karāmāt wa-tafshū l-asrār wa-tankhariqu l-ʿādāt wa-yuḥaqqiqū [sic] manāsik al-ʿibādāt wa-mabʿath al-nūr min al-āfāq al-ʿaliyyāt [. . .]), pp. 242-43.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 235-38 (p. 236: [. . .] Wa-kadhālika yakūnūna ilā an yutimma llāh nūrahu wa-yuballigha taqdīrahu wa-yarfaʿa ḥujubahu wa-sutūrahu; p. 237: [. . .] Al-mulāḥiẓūna ḥaḍrat al-ʿazīza [read: al-ʿazīz, see Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 91; Dreher, Das Imamat, p. 188] l-jabbār fīhim tamtāzu l-walāyāt wa-l-karāmāt wa-tafshū l-asrār wa-tankhariqu l-ʿādāt wa-yuḥaqqiqū [sic] manāsik al-ʿibādāt wa-mabʿath al-nūr min al-āfāq al-ʿaliyyāt [. . .]), pp. 242-43.)| false
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Ibid., pp. 237-38, p. 242.

Ibid., pp. 237-38 and the editor’s notes there; see also Dreher, Das Imamat, p. 48.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 238-41; cf. the versions in Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 88-96 and Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 181-99.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 238-41; cf. the versions in Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 88-96 and Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 181-99.)| false
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See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 240-41; cf. Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 192-93. On the significance of the Divine command in Ismāʿīlī thought, especially as regards the status of God’s friends, see above 3.4.

See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 240-41; cf. Dreher, Das Imamat, pp. 192-93. On the significance of the Divine command in Ismāʿīlī thought, especially as regards the status of God’s friends, see above 3.4.)| false
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See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 211, pp. 214-15, p. 220, pp. 224-25, p. 227, pp. 233-36, p. 238, pp. 240-42, p. 252, p. 254, p. 258, pp. 260-61, pp. 263-65, pp. 282-83, pp. 287-88, pp. 290-95, pp. 300-1, pp. 305-6, p. 309, p. 315, p. 317, p. 319, pp. 321-22, pp. 325-26, pp. 340-44, pp. 349-50, p. 353, pp. 380-81, pp. 386-87, 394, 400; see also Ibid., pp. 110-14 (in the editor’s introduction).

See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 211, pp. 214-15, p. 220, pp. 224-25, p. 227, pp. 233-36, p. 238, pp. 240-42, p. 252, p. 254, p. 258, pp. 260-61, pp. 263-65, pp. 282-83, pp. 287-88, pp. 290-95, pp. 300-1, pp. 305-6, p. 309, p. 315, p. 317, p. 319, pp. 321-22, pp. 325-26, pp. 340-44, pp. 349-50, p. 353, pp. 380-81, pp. 386-87, 394, 400; see also Ibid., pp. 110-14 (in the editor’s introduction).)| false
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See Amir-Moezzi, The Spirituality of Shiʿi Islam, pp. 403-30.

See Amir-Moezzi, The Spirituality of Shiʿi Islam, pp. 403-30.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 256 (Fa-idhā kāna nafkhat al-ṣaʿaq intaqala l-malaʾ al-aʿlā ilā maqāmāt al-ʿulā wa-bi-darajiyyāt ajadd wa-adhkā wa-kull irtiqāʾ ilā mā fawq wa-huwa l-falak al-ladhī ʿanhu wujida wa-bihi khuliqa fa-yakūnu lahu barzakh ḥaqq ilā yawm nafkhat al-baʿth wa-tamām al-kalima fa-idhā kānat al-iʿādiyya l-tamāmiyya wa-ḥaqqat al-khilāfa l-imāmiyya wa-rtaqā l-khalīfa l-ḥaqq ilā dār baqāʾihi wa-maqām mamlakatihi rtaqā kull ilā dār ʿizzatihi wa-mustawā ḥaḍratihi wa-muntahā jannatihi wa-mamlakatihi [. . .] wa-ʿāda mulk al-aʿlā wa-l-waratha khulafāʾ al-jannāt al-ʿulā wa-liwāʾ al-ḥamd wa-l-majd wa-l-sanāʾ khalīfat al-khulafāʾ wa-ṣāḥib al-raḥma wa-l-ʿaẓama wa-l-riḍāʾ muḥammad al-muṣṭafā[. . .]). Cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 110.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 256 (Fa-idhā kāna nafkhat al-ṣaʿaq intaqala l-malaʾ al-aʿlā ilā maqāmāt al-ʿulā wa-bi-darajiyyāt ajadd wa-adhkā wa-kull irtiqāʾ ilā mā fawq wa-huwa l-falak al-ladhī ʿanhu wujida wa-bihi khuliqa fa-yakūnu lahu barzakh ḥaqq ilā yawm nafkhat al-baʿth wa-tamām al-kalima fa-idhā kānat al-iʿādiyya l-tamāmiyya wa-ḥaqqat al-khilāfa l-imāmiyya wa-rtaqā l-khalīfa l-ḥaqq ilā dār baqāʾihi wa-maqām mamlakatihi rtaqā kull ilā dār ʿizzatihi wa-mustawā ḥaḍratihi wa-muntahā jannatihi wa-mamlakatihi [. . .] wa-ʿāda mulk al-aʿlā wa-l-waratha khulafāʾ al-jannāt al-ʿulā wa-liwāʾ al-ḥamd wa-l-majd wa-l-sanāʾ khalīfat al-khulafāʾ wa-ṣāḥib al-raḥma wa-l-ʿaẓama wa-l-riḍāʾ muḥammad al-muṣṭafā[. . .]). Cf. Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, p. 110.)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 273-75. On al-burāq, the fabulous horse on which Muḥammad rode from Mecca to Jerusalem in the famous isrāʾ, see ei3, s.v. “al-Burāq” (Ch. J. Gruber).

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 273-75. On al-burāq, the fabulous horse on which Muḥammad rode from Mecca to Jerusalem in the famous isrāʾ, see ei³, s.v. “al-Burāq” (Ch. J. Gruber).)| false
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Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 285.

Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, p. 285.)| false
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Ibid., p. 274, pp. 344-45, p. 351; see also p. 349, p. 371. For the ḥadīths that mention the hundred names, the hundred steps of paradise, and the hundred “mercies”, see the editor’s references in Ibid., p. 265 n. 199, p. 302 n. 282, p. 343 n. 396.

Ibid., pp. 275-76, pp. 279-81 (Ibid., p. 281: “[. . .] Kadhā abadan mazīd baʿd mazīd wa-tajdīd mawṣūl bi-tajdīd [. . .] wa-lā yazālu l-istiwāʾ bi-l-darajāt wa-l-taraqqī fī l-tajalliyyāt [. . .]”), pp. 381-83. For the notion of a gradual, continuous, and eternal revelation, see also Ibid., pp. 296-97, pp. 303-4, pp. 344-45, p. 380, p. 391, p. 397, pp. 402-3.

See Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide, p. 16, p. 40, p. 58, p. 184 n. 304; Rubin, “Pre-Existence and Light,” p. 66, pp. 93-94, pp. 110-11. For an early Shīʿī description of the Creator as an anthropic figure of light, see Wasserstrom, “The Moving Finger,” p. 16.

See Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide, p. 16, p. 40, p. 58, p. 184 n. 304; Rubin, “Pre-Existence and Light,” p. 66, pp. 93-94, pp. 110-11. For an early Shīʿī description of the Creator as an anthropic figure of light, see Wasserstrom, “The Moving Finger,” p. 16.)| false
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See Böwering, The Mystical Vision, p. 149. Other Shīʿī concepts pertaining to “the friends of God” may have also influenced al-Tustarī; see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, index, s.v. “al-Tustarī, Sahl b. ʿAbdallāh”; cf. Fierro, “Le Mahdi,” p. 109.

See Böwering, The Mystical Vision, p. 149. Other Shīʿī concepts pertaining to “the friends of God” may have also influenced al-Tustarī; see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, index, s.v. “al-Tustarī, Sahl b. ʿAbdallāh”; cf. Fierro, “Le Mahdi,” p. 109.)| false
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Al-Ḥāmidī, Kanz al-walad, pp. 171-73; see also the references above in n. 84.

Al-Ḥāmidī, Kanz al-walad, pp. 171-73; see also the references above in n. 84.)| false
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See above n. 86; and H. Landolt, “Ghazālī and “Religionswissenschaft”: Some Notes on the Mishkāt al-Anwār for Professor Charles J. Adams”, Asiatische Studien 45 (1991), pp. 19-72; cf. F. Griffel, Al-Ghazālī’s Philosophical Theology, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2009, pp. 260-264.

See above n. 86; and H. Landolt, “Ghazālī and “Religionswissenschaft”: Some Notes on the Mishkāt al-Anwār for Professor Charles J. Adams”, Asiatische Studien 45 (1991), pp. 19-72; cf. F. Griffel, Al-Ghazālī’s Philosophical Theology, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2009, pp. 260-264.)| false
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See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 403-8; al-Ghazālī, Maʿārij al-quds fī madārij maʿrifat al-nafs, Beirut, Dār al-Āfāq al-Jadīda, 1975, pp. 148-50; see also the discussion in Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 43-48; and cf. Lagardère, “La Tarîqa”; Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, the editor’s introduction, especially pp. 45-50.

See Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, pp. 403-8; al-Ghazālī, Maʿārij al-quds fī madārij maʿrifat al-nafs, Beirut, Dār al-Āfāq al-Jadīda, 1975, pp. 148-50; see also the discussion in Goodrich, A Ṣūfī Revolt, pp. 43-48; and cf. Lagardère, “La Tarîqa”; Ibn Qasī, Khalʿ al-naʿlayn, the editor’s introduction, especially pp. 45-50.)| false
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Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Aʿmāl al-aʿlām, p. 249 ([. . .] Wa-kathura khawḍuhum fī l-kutub al-taṣawwufiyya wa-mawḍūʿāt al-ghulāt min al-bāṭiniyya wa-l-kalaf bi-rasāʾil ikhwān al-ṣafāʾ wa-amthāl dhālika). On the pejorative term bāṭinī, see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, p. 26 n. 79.

Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Aʿmāl al-aʿlām, p. 249 ([. . .] Wa-kathura khawḍuhum fī l-kutub al-taṣawwufiyya wa-mawḍūʿāt al-ghulāt min al-bāṭiniyya wa-l-kalaf bi-rasāʾil ikhwān al-ṣafāʾ wa-amthāl dhālika). On the pejorative term bāṭinī, see Ebstein, Mysticism and Philosophy, p. 26 n. 79.)| false
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