A.C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (Chicago: Open Court, 1989), 35.

 A.C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (Chicago: Open Court, 1989), 35.)| false
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 See Stephen W. Durrant, “The Taoist Apotheosis of Mo Ti,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 97 (1977): 540–46, esp. 545. See also Paul R. Goldin, “Why Mozi Is Included in the Daoist Canon—Or, Why There Is More to Mohism Than Utilitarian Ethics,” In How Should One Live? Comparing Ethics in Ancient China and Greco-Roman Antiquity, ed. Richard A.H. King and Dennis Schilling (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011), 63–91.

 See Stephen W. Durrant, “The Taoist Apotheosis of Mo Ti,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 97 (1977): 540–46, esp. 545. See also Paul R. Goldin, “Why Mozi Is Included in the Daoist Canon—Or, Why There Is More to Mohism Than Utilitarian Ethics,” In How Should One Live? Comparing Ethics in Ancient China and Greco-Roman Antiquity, ed. Richard A.H. King and Dennis Schilling (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011), 63–91.)| false
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 In 1865, Su Shixue 蘇時學 (1814–1874) in his Mozi kanwu 墨子刊誤 (Correcting Errors in the Mozi), suggested the following correction: “The character gong 攻 (military aggression) is missing; yue 曰 (say) should be ri 日 (day).” Sun Yirang disagrees with the second emendation and instead follows Wang Niansun (MZJG 475).

 See Defoort, “Do the Ten Mohist Theses Represent Mozi’s Thought?” 352–63.

 See Defoort, “Do the Ten Mohist Theses Represent Mozi’s Thought?” 352–63.)| false
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 Dated 736 ce by Zhou Qicheng, Xinyi Changli xiansheng wenji, 172; for his translation, see pp. 176–77. The same line and explicit reference to Yang Xiong also occur in a letter of 820 ce to the minister Meng Jian (“Yu Meng Jian shangshu shu” 與孟簡尚書書), in which Han Yu expresses his preference for Confucianism over Buddhism. He admits that Mencius did not have a powerful position, but were it not for him, people in the Central Plain would have worn barbarian clothes and spoken a barbarian language. Like Yang Xiong, Han Yu posits himself as emulating Mencius in his courageous fight against heterodoxy at the risk of his own life (嗚呼. 其亦不量其力. 且見其身之危. 莫之救以死也). At the age of 28 (in 795 ce), having for the third time failed the exam, Han Yu worries about not obtaining a position and writes to the prime minister (“Shang zaixiang shu” 上宰相書) arguing that the government should cherish good people such as himself. He claims not to care about a reputation but only to read the books of sages. The writings of Yang, Mo, Buddha, and Laozi do not enter his heart (所讀皆聖人之書. 楊墨釋老之學, 無所入於其心). Ten years later (in 805 ce), he complains about the moral decline of his times in his well-known essay “Tracing the Way” (Yuan Dao 原道), expressing his worries in very Mencian terms about people turning to either Yang Zhu or Mo Di (天下之言不歸楊, 則歸墨). See, respectively, Zhou Qicheng, Xinyi Changli xiansheng wenji, 373–75, 239–41, 4–9.

 Dated 736 ce by Zhou Qicheng, Xinyi Changli xiansheng wenji, 172; for his translation, see pp. 176–77. The same line and explicit reference to Yang Xiong also occur in a letter of 820 ce to the minister Meng Jian (“Yu Meng Jian shangshu shu” 與孟簡尚書書), in which Han Yu expresses his preference for Confucianism over Buddhism. He admits that Mencius did not have a powerful position, but were it not for him, people in the Central Plain would have worn barbarian clothes and spoken a barbarian language. Like Yang Xiong, Han Yu posits himself as emulating Mencius in his courageous fight against heterodoxy at the risk of his own life (嗚呼. 其亦不量其力. 且見其身之危. 莫之救以死也). At the age of 28 (in 795 ce), having for the third time failed the exam, Han Yu worries about not obtaining a position and writes to the prime minister (“Shang zaixiang shu” 上宰相書) arguing that the government should cherish good people such as himself. He claims not to care about a reputation but only to read the books of sages. The writings of Yang, Mo, Buddha, and Laozi do not enter his heart (所讀皆聖人之書. 楊墨釋老之學, 無所入於其心). Ten years later (in 805 ce), he complains about the moral decline of his times in his well-known essay “Tracing the Way” (Yuan Dao 原道), expressing his worries in very Mencian terms about people turning to either Yang Zhu or Mo Di (天下之言不歸楊, 則歸墨). See, respectively, Zhou Qicheng, Xinyi Changli xiansheng wenji, 373–75, 239–41, 4–9.)| false
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 Zheng Jiewen, Zhongguo Moxue tongshi, 326.

 Zheng Jiewen, Zhongguo Moxue tongshi, 326.)| false
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 See Tian Hanyun, Xinbian Wang Zhong ji, 19–21. See also Wang Xisun 汪喜孫, “Rongfu xiansheng nianpu” 容甫先生年譜, in Tian Hanyun, Xinbian Wang Zhongji, appendix 1, 1.

 See Tian Hanyun, Xinbian Wang Zhong ji, 19–21. See also Wang Xisun 汪喜孫, “Rongfu xiansheng nianpu” 容甫先生年譜, in Tian Hanyun, Xinbian Wang Zhongji, appendix 1, 1.)| false
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 See Tian Hanyun, Xinbian Wang Zhong ji, 20. Fang Junyi 方濬頤 separately listed the major changes that Wang Xisun made. See “Shuxue jiaokanji” 述學校勘記 in Tian Hanyun, Xinbian Wang Zhong ji, appendix 3, 69.

 See Tian Hanyun, Xinbian Wang Zhong ji, 20. Fang Junyi 方濬頤 separately listed the major changes that Wang Xisun made. See “Shuxue jiaokanji” 述學校勘記 in Tian Hanyun, Xinbian Wang Zhong ji, appendix 3, 69.)| false
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 See, e.g., Elman, From Philosophy to Philology, 78.

 See, e.g., Elman, From Philosophy to Philology, 78.)| false
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