The date is established by H. Chantraine, “Die Kreuzesvision von 351 – Fakten und Probleme,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 86-87 (1993-1994) 430-441.

The date is established by H. Chantraine, “Die Kreuzesvision von 351 – Fakten und Probleme,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 86-87 (1993-1994) 430-441.)| false
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Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1,28-32; the commentary by Averil Cameron and S.G. Hall, Eusebius: Life of Constantine (Oxford 1999) 204-213 provides a succinct overview of other ancient accounts and of the modern scholarly debate concerning Eusebius’ report. For two recent discussions of Constantine’s vision, the first on its biographical context, the second on the religious and political concerns that shaped the main ancient accounts, see H.A. Drake, “Solar Power in Late Antiquity,” in A. Cain and N. Lenski (eds.), The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity (Farnham 2009) 215-226, and J. Long, “How to Read a Halo: Three (or More) Versions of Constantine’s Vision,” in Cain and Lenski, Power of Religion 227-235. Both Drake and Long assume, following Weiss, “The Vision of Constantine,” that Constantine had a single vision, which underlies not only Eusebius’ report but also the dream described in Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum 44,5 (csel 27,223), and the pagan theophany of Panegyrici Latini 6(7),21,3-7. Constantine, however, experienced visions frequently (Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1,47,3), which puts the validity of this assumption in doubt (cf. O. Nicholson, “Constantine’s Vision of the Cross,” Vigiliae Christianae 54 (2000) 309, 311 n. 9 (309-323)).

Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1,28-32; the commentary by Averil Cameron and S.G. Hall, Eusebius: Life of Constantine (Oxford 1999) 204-213 provides a succinct overview of other ancient accounts and of the modern scholarly debate concerning Eusebius’ report. For two recent discussions of Constantine’s vision, the first on its biographical context, the second on the religious and political concerns that shaped the main ancient accounts, see H.A. Drake, “Solar Power in Late Antiquity,” in A. Cain and N. Lenski (eds.), The Power of Religion in Late Antiquity (Farnham 2009) 215-226, and J. Long, “How to Read a Halo: Three (or More) Versions of Constantine’s Vision,” in Cain and Lenski, Power of Religion 227-235. Both Drake and Long assume, following Weiss, “The Vision of Constantine,” that Constantine had a single vision, which underlies not only Eusebius’ report but also the dream described in Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum 44,5 (csel 27,223), and the pagan theophany of Panegyrici Latini 6(7),21,3-7. Constantine, however, experienced visions frequently (Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1,47,3), which puts the validity of this assumption in doubt (cf. O. Nicholson, “Constantine’s Vision of the Cross,” Vigiliae Christianae 54 (2000) 309, 311 n. 9 (309-323)).)| false
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Vogt, “Berichte,” 604.

Vogt, “Berichte,” 604.)| false
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Irshai, “Jerusalem Bishopric,” 212; cf. id., “Cyril of Jerusalem,” 98, 104, and Drijvers, “Power of the Cross,” 241-245, who incorporates elements of Irshai’s argument into an interpretation focused on imperial politics.

Irshai, “Jerusalem Bishopric,” 212; cf. id., “Cyril of Jerusalem,” 98, 104, and Drijvers, “Power of the Cross,” 241-245, who incorporates elements of Irshai’s argument into an interpretation focused on imperial politics.)| false
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Cf. Chantraine, “Kreuzesvision,” 441; Philostorgius, Historia Ecclesiastica 3,26.

Cf. Chantraine, “Kreuzesvision,” 441; Philostorgius, Historia Ecclesiastica 3,26.)| false
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3,16; Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1,28,2, 32,2.

3,16; Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1,28,2, 32,2.)| false
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Eusebius, Vita Constantini 3,29-43.

Eusebius, Vita Constantini 3,29-43.)| false
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Irshai, “Jerusalem Bishopric,” 212.

Irshai, “Jerusalem Bishopric,” 212.)| false
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Irshai, “Cyril of Jerusalem,” 98-99.

Irshai, “Cyril of Jerusalem,” 98-99.)| false
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