This study analyzes the altar law in Exodus 20, the statement that frames it in Exodus 19, and its application in Exodus 24 as a single narrative that denies the professional configuration of sacrifice as essential to religion and divine blessing. It puts the gift-blessing exchange into the hands of every family, and reverses the basic trope of hosting-visiting and the social poetics that govern hierarchical religion: rather than host at his palace through mediating attendants, Yahweh visits wherever he is invited. The study argues that the narrative attacks an Israelian and Judean ideology in which royal success defines territorial extent, shapes the polity, enshrines divine power in temples, and controls divine blessing. It reconfigures the elements such that territory and nationhood are defined by the divine king, who roams freely throughout the land to bless each of his subjects, so long as they invite him to receive a gift.
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See the excellent analysis by Blum, Studien, 45-53, 91-99, 169-172; also Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Das Bundesbuch, 284-299, 406-414; Kratz, The Composition of the Narrative Books, 133-140; Schmidt, “Israel und das Gesetz.”
See Baden, J, E, and the Redaction of the Pentateuch, 153-161; idem, The Composition of the Pentateuch, 116-118; Stackert, A Prophet Like Moses, 75-77. Compare also Patrick, “The Covenant Code,” 145-151. At the same time, this study diverges from just about all analyses and hypotheses by warranting the inference that the (“Elohistic”) historical work that contained all three of the passages now in Exodus 19, 20, and 24 did not originally include Yahweh presenting his extensive set of laws, in 21:1-23:19 (or Moses transmitting them, in the relevant direct-object clause in 24:3); see below, n. 85. Note also my view that 20:1-13 too appears secondary (below, n. 57). Both additions seem to me essentially uninflected by Deuteronomic texts and concepts, and, as many have shown (e.g. Levinson, Deuteronomy; Baden, J, E, and the Redaction of the Pentateuch, 153-172), both appear to have made up a part of the Elohistic history by the time Deuteronomic authors engaged it.
So Cassuto, Exodus,178; Tigay, “The Presence of God,” 195 n. 3.
Contra Levinson, “Is the Covenant Code,” 300-315. The three manuscript traditions of mt, sp, and lxx can agree yet still contain a secondary reading: Num 15:39 mt לְצִיצִת; sp לציציות; lxx ἐν τοῖς κρασπέδοις should undoubtedly read לאות (Fox, “The Sign of the Covenant,” 569, 578-580). See Tov’s critical review of principles and practices in the evaluation of readings, which he wryly boils down to “common sense” and an “art,” and in conjectured emendations, regarding which he notes the randomness of preservation and rediscovery (Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible, 265-281, 327-340, esp. 270, 280-281, 329). For confusion between the letters ת and א in the old Hebrew script as a factor in the change of Exod 20:20, see Tigay, “The Presence of God,” 204 n. 29 (for this problem in general, Tov, Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible, 228); the presence of the first-person formulation in sp, which has been copied continuously in the old Hebrew script, makes it nearly certain that the interchange took place in a copy in old Hebrew script. As an alternative, Tigay raises deliberate harmonization or assimilation (“The Presence of God,” 204 n. 29). However, the recurrence of divine self-declaration throughout so much of the Torah—in all its sources—could easily predispose a copyist to expect the first-person form and to find it there, so to speak, when faced with graphic ambiguity; namely, the process need not have involved conscious exegesis as much as instinct. For the mentally complex nature of the production of some variants, see Tov, The Text-Critical Use of the Septuagint, 162-171 (on translators).
So Tigay, ibid., 203; he only refers to worshippers, but also includes parallels in cognate languages from the regions around Israel and Judea.
See Ginsberg, The Israelian Heritage, 58-60; Levinson, Deuteronomy; Chavel, “The Second Passover,” 14-17, 21-22.
Alpert Nakhai, Archaeology and the Religions of Canaan and Israel, 49. At the same time, others correlate it with the altar at Arad (Mierse, Temples and Sanctuaries, 126), although enough typological analogues occur throughout the Levant to make any particularistic claim for Judea (and Israel) problematic.
E.g. Sforno; Ehrlich, Mikra Kifshuto, 1:170; Holzinger, Exodus, 67; Randglossen, 1:337; Cassuto, Exodus, 156, Paul, Studies in the Book of the Covenant, 29-31; Childs, Exodus, 367; Houtman, Exodus, 2:445-446.
See Blum, Studien, 51-52. The prophecy in Isa 61:1-9, in the context of a series of prophecies recognizing the single temple of Jerusalem, seems directly to engage and adapt the ideas of Exod 19:3-6. It does not appear to predict literally that all Judeans will serve in the Jerusalem temple, but it does not shift the emphasis to the abstract notion of Israel’s intermediation on behalf of the other nations either. To be precise, the prophecy envisions the thoroughgoing blessedness of the complete nation leading foreigners to consider them all an entire nation of priests, namely, enjoying divine proximity, service, and rewards. Compare Blum, ibid., 170-172.
So Holzinger, Exodus, 79; Levinson, “Is the Covenant Code,” 280.
Cassuto, Exodus, 176. Tigay considers this understanding “forced,” but does not explain why (“The Presence of God,” 199). Ibn Ezra, who from a traditional perspective addresses the seeming contradiction with 19:20, resolves the matter by having recourse to the deity’s representation as of great size: a manifestation like his feet is perceptibly lower on the mountain while a manifestation like his head, from which he speaks, is up in the sky (the so-called long commentary, at 20:18; see too Ramban; Sforno).
Contra Schmidt, “Israel und das Gesetz,” 169-170, 181-183. It may be due to the pragmatics of Moses’ single-handed management of the covenant and its rituals that the author has him build only one altar, rather than have every family build its own. This will be matched by Aaron building a single altar and a golden sculpture in Exod 32:1-8. Cassuto analyzes the complete configuration of the altar and the twelve stones as representing the two parties to the covenant, Yahweh and the tribes of Israel respectively (Exodus, 217). Accordingly, he suggests that just as Moses tosses part of the blood on the altar, he tosses the other part representatively on the twelve stones, not directly on the people (218; so too Stockton, “Stones at Worship,” 59). Abusch emphasizes blood’s ability to effect relations between god and human and exemplifies with this passage (“Blood in Israel and Mesopotamia,” 677-678). Lewis draws on a variety of ancient Near Eastern and modern critical sources to argue that the use of blood in this text has multiple meanings, but he overlooks the artifice and argument of the text as narrative historiography (“Covenant and Blood Rituals”).
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This study analyzes the altar law in Exodus 20, the statement that frames it in Exodus 19, and its application in Exodus 24 as a single narrative that denies the professional configuration of sacrifice as essential to religion and divine blessing. It puts the gift-blessing exchange into the hands of every family, and reverses the basic trope of hosting-visiting and the social poetics that govern hierarchical religion: rather than host at his palace through mediating attendants, Yahweh visits wherever he is invited. The study argues that the narrative attacks an Israelian and Judean ideology in which royal success defines territorial extent, shapes the polity, enshrines divine power in temples, and controls divine blessing. It reconfigures the elements such that territory and nationhood are defined by the divine king, who roams freely throughout the land to bless each of his subjects, so long as they invite him to receive a gift.
All Time | Past 365 days | Past 30 Days | |
---|---|---|---|
Abstract Views | 461 | 62 | 12 |
Full Text Views | 316 | 22 | 2 |
PDF Views & Downloads | 149 | 49 | 2 |