Raamses, Pithom, and the Exodus: A Critical Evaluation of Ex 1:11
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Up to the present, the brief notice on the storage cities of “Pithom” and “Raamses” and the forced labour of the Israelites in Ex 1:11 has been taken as the historical nucleus of a possible exodus scenario under Ramesses ii.
This article presents a critical evaluation of the classical theory, taking into account recent insights in Archaeology, Egyptology, and Philology. Since a number of arguments call the classical theory into question, a historical background of Ex 1:11 in the late 7th century bce becomes more likely, when Judahites had to perform forced labour for the Egyptian hegemon in the Southern Levant.
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Kratz R.G. The Composition of the Narrative Books of the Old Testament 2005 London/New York
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Lemche N.P. Prelude to Israel’s Past: Background and Beginnings of Israelite History and Identity 1998 Peabody
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Loprieno A. Guksch H. & Polz D. “Nḥsj der Südländer” Stationen: Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens: Festschrift für R. Stadelmann 1998 Mainz 211 217
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Lloyd A.B. Herodotus Book ii: Commentary 99-182 1988 Leiden
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Malamat A. Frerichs E.S. & Lesko L.H. “The Exodus: Egyptian Analogies” Exodus. The Egyptian Evidence 1997 Winona Lake 15 26
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Mazar A. Kratz R.G. & Spieckermann H. “Tel Beth-Shean: History and Archeology” One God—One Cult—One Nation 2010 405 Berlin/New York 239 271 bzaw
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Miller J.M. & Hayes J.H. A History of Ancient Israel and Judah 2006 Louisville 2
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Moore M.B. & Kelle B.E. Biblical History and Israel’s Past 2011 Grand Rapids
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Montet P. “Tanis, Avaris et Pi-Ramsès” rb 1930 39 5 28
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Morenz L. “Wortwitz—Ideologie—Geschichte: „Israel“ im Horizont Mer-en-ptahs” zaw 2008 120 1 13
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Naville E. The Store-City of Pithom and the Route of the Exodus 1903 London 4
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Noth M. History of Israel 1960 London 2
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Oblath M.D. “Of Pharaohs and Kings—Whence the Exodus?” jsot 2000 87 23 42
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Osing J. Die Nominalbildung des Ägyptischen 1976 Mainz 2 Vols.
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Oswald W. Staatstheorie im Alten Israel: Der politische Diskurs im Pentateuch und in den Geschichtsbüchern des Alten Testaments 2009 Stuttgart
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Otto E. Otto E. “Die Mose-Figur als Gegenentwurf politischer Theologie zur neuassyrischen Königsideologie im 7. Jh. v. Chr.” Mose: Ägypten und das Alte Testament 2000 Stuttgart 43 83 sbs 189
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Pusch E.B. Redford D.B. “Piramesse” The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt iii 2003 Oxford 48 50
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Quack J.F. Gertz J.C. & Jericke D. “Sehnsucht nach der Heimat und Lob des Erbauers: Ägyptische Städtepreisungen in ramessidischen Papyri und Ostraka” Ort und Bedeutung 2010 Kamen 19 48
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Ragazzoli C. Éloges de la ville en Égypte ancienne. Histoire et littérature 2008 Paris
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Ranke H. “Aegypten iii: Aegypten und das Alte Testament” rggi 1909 202 207
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Redford D.B. “Exodus i 11” vt 13 1963 401 418
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Redford D.B. Rainey A.F. “An Egyptian Perspective on the Exodus Tradition” Egypt, Israel, Sinai 1987 Tel Aviv 137 161
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Redford D.B. Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times 1992 Princeton
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Redford D.B. Brand P.J. & Cooper L. “The Land of Ramesses” Causing His Name to Live (gs W.J. Murnane) 2009 Leiden/Boston 175 177 chane 37
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1
For an overview see Engel, p. 49 and p. 103.
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2
See the overview by Moore/Kelle, pp. 88-92 and Redmount, 1998, p. 65. The most prominent Egyptological voice for such a minimalist position is Redford, 1992, pp. 408-412 (see also Redford 1987, 2009 and 2011), whereas the ‘maximalist’ approach is represented, for example, by Kitchen, 1998 and Hoffmeier, 1999.
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3
See, for example, Schmidt, p. 36; Graham, pp. 28-30.
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7
Albertz, 1994, p. 45. See also p. 44: “However, one report is credible, namely that the Egyptians set the group to build the ‘store cities Pithom and Ramses’ (Ex. 1:11).” In his commentary on the book of Exodus from 2012, Albertz is more cautious, arguing that only “Ramses” contains “schemenhaft eine alte Erinnerung” (ibid., p. 29).
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8
Herrmann, 1973, pp. 58-59; Schmidt, pp. 36-37; Malamat, pp. 18-22 and Graham, 2004, p. 28.
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9
Gardiner, 1918, p. 261.
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10
See already Spiegelberg, p. 24.
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11
Allen, pp. 16-17.
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12
Gardiner, 1937, p. 76.
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13
See, for example, Noth, pp. 113-114 and Alt, p. 184, n. 4 where he points to other notes in the Hebrew Bible, using the same argument: Gen 47:11; Ex 12:37; Num 33:3, 5.
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14
Alt, p. 184. See also Hermann, 1973, p. 27 n. 42 (p. 75); Schmidt, p. 38; Kitchen, p. 69 and Graham, 2004, p. 28 with further references.
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15
Spiegelberg, pp. 38-39.
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16
For an analysis of the stela see Morenz, pp. 1-13 who, however, dates the campaign to the second or third regnal year of Merneptah (1211 or 1210 bce, ibid., p. 12).
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17
See most recently Blum, p. 48 with n. 39.
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18
Redford, p. 410.
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19
See, for example, Graham, 2004, p. 28.
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20
James/McGovern, p. 4; Mazar, p. 260.
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21
For an overview, see Schipper, 2012, p. 32.
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22
See Uehlinger, pp. 11-12 (fig. 1-3).
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23
Uehlinger, p. 12.
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25
Montet, p. 28, followed by Gardiner, 1933, pp. 122-123.
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27
Bietak, p. 351; Pusch, p. 48.
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28
Graham, 2003, p. 349 and for the monuments Montet, pl. iii and iv.
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29
So already Redford, 1963, p. 409; see also Redford, 1987, p. 140.
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31
Jansen-Winkeln, 2007. See also Collins, p. 147 and for the results of the “Wadi Tumilat-Project” Holladay 1999.
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33
Graham, 2004, 30. This is the result of the detailed evaluation of Collins, pp. 136-147.
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34
Goedicke, p. 353; Redmount, 1989, p. 182, and for the topography Holladay, 1999, p. 879.
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35
So also Redford, 2011, p. 305.
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36
Guermeur, pp. 263-264 (dp Pi-Ramsès 6; Cairo cg 700 and 689).
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38
Quack, pp. 26-27.
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40
Cf. Redford, 1963, p. 409 with older literature, and Griffiths, p. 225.
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41
Helck, pp. 45-46; Gardiner, 1918, p. 136 with discussion of further material.
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44
See Uehlinger, pp. 11-12 (fig. 1-3).
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46
So already Redford, 1963, p. 409 (see also Redford 2009, p. 176, and Redford, 2011, p. 304).
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48
Griffiths, p. 225 with reference to previous literature.
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49
Osing, p. 371 and p. 479 n. 138.
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50
Görg, pp. 19-20.
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52
See on the one hand, Helck, pp. 43-47 and on the other Redford, 1963, pp. 411-412; Redford 2009, and Redford 2011, p. 304 with n. 79-80.
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53
See already Griffiths, 1953, p. 231.
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54
See for further references on this Knauf, p. 105; Quack, p. 27, n. 28; Jansen-Winkeln, 2002, p. 114, n. 2 and Vergote, p. 92. If one wants to follow James Hoch, the use of samech (s3) for Egyptian ś can be dated more precisely to the period after the 8th century bce (25th Dynasty in Egypt), see Hoch, p. 368, no. 548; Redford, 2009, p. 175 with further references in n. 9, and Redford, 2011, p. 304.
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55
See, for example, Hoch, p. 368, no. 548.
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56
See Gesenius (18th ed.), p. 1049; halot, p. 925.
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57
Redford, 1963, p. 412.
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58
Schipper, 1999, p. 282, n. 560.
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59
Gesenius (18th ed.), p. 877; halot, p. 746. The toponym Sin (סִין) in Ez 30:15 can probably also be related to the Egyptian word śwn, see Gesenius (18th ed.), p. 833.
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60
See Gesenius (18th ed.), p. 1094; halot, p. 991.
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61
Loprieno, pp. 211-212 and 216-217.
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62
Schipper, 2013, p. 498 with further references.
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63
Gesenius (18th ed.), p. 1349.
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64
Renz, pp. 162-163.
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65
Aḥituv, pp. 96-97.
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66
Osing, pp. 856-857 and Gesenius (18th ed.), p. 535.
-
69
See, for example, Schmidt, pp. 18-21.
-
71
Carr, p. 172-175.
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72
Kratz, p. 280. J. Baden, though, recently renewed the old argument that Ex 1:8-12 should be seen as a unit which belongs to the J story (Baden, p. 136). In contrast, C. Berner argues that Ex 1:11-12 forms a unit with vv. 9-10 (Berner, p. 10 with n. 1), but takes v. 11b as a post-priestly addition (ibid., p. 434).
-
73
So already Nöldeke, p. 35 and Schmidt, pp. 15-16.
-
74
See Baden, p. 137 with an overview on the scholarly discussion on this in n. 11.
-
75
Gertz, p. 381 (Ex 1:11-12, 15-20a, 21-22; 2:1-22). In contrast, Konrad Schmid, for example, has argued that Exodus 1 “contains no textual material that can be dated earlier than P” (p. 216).
-
76
Gertz, p. 371; Schmid, p. 217 and Kratz, p. 280.
-
77
Schmid, pp. 217-218.
-
78
Gertz et al., p. 356 argue for a kernel which goes back to the 8th century (after 722), but the similarities between the Moses narrative (Ex 2*) and the Sargon legend (if one wants to see them) could be also explained in light of the situation in the 7th century bce (see Otto, pp. 60-72 with a different conclusion).
-
79
Lemche, pp. 55-56; Finkelstein, p. 66 and Oswald, p. 83.
-
80
Collins, pp. 143-144.
-
81
Redmount, 1995, pp. 133-134.
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82
Lloyd, pp. 150-155 and Redmount, 1995, p. 135, n. 36.
-
83
See Redmount, 1995, p. 134 who pointed to Muhammad Ali who “used a corvée of 80,000 fellahin to excavate his Wadi Canal.”
-
84
Schmidt, p. 34; halot, p. 603 and Gesenius (18th ed.), p. 700.
-
87
Schipper, 2010, p. 207.
-
88
Gitin, p. 173.
-
89
See for this Schipper, 2010, pp. 211-212 with reference to Wimmer, Fantalkin and others.
-
92
Schipper, 2010, p. 213.
-
94
Renz, pp. 295-296 and pp. 341-343. See also Wimmer, pp. 103-113.
-
95
Schipper, 2010, p. 211.
-
96
Röllig, p. 422.
-
97
Wimmer, pp. 68-69 and Schipper, 2010, p. 217.
-
98
Schipper, 2010, pp. 209-211 with further references.
-
101
Weippert, pp. 449-466.
-
102
See Cross, p. 44. For the verb כול see Gesenus (18th ed.), p. 531.
-
103
Cross, p. 45. Talmon, p. 82 assumed an “annual corvée”.
-
105
Wimmer, 2008, p. 86.
-
106
Avigad/Sass, pp. 56-57 (no. 20).
-
107
Avigad/Sass, p. 57.
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Raamses, Pithom, and the Exodus: A Critical Evaluation of Ex 1:11
In: Vetus TestamentumSearch for other papers by Bernd Ulrich Schipper in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Up to the present, the brief notice on the storage cities of “Pithom” and “Raamses” and the forced labour of the Israelites in Ex 1:11 has been taken as the historical nucleus of a possible exodus scenario under Ramesses ii.
This article presents a critical evaluation of the classical theory, taking into account recent insights in Archaeology, Egyptology, and Philology. Since a number of arguments call the classical theory into question, a historical background of Ex 1:11 in the late 7th century bce becomes more likely, when Judahites had to perform forced labour for the Egyptian hegemon in the Southern Levant.
| All Time | Past Year | Past 30 Days | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Abstract Views | 1275 | 255 | 35 |
| Full Text Views | 312 | 9 | 2 |
| PDF Views & Downloads | 103 | 19 | 0 |