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Françoise Rose

Abstract

The chapter by Rose draws a sketch of negation in Mojeño Trinitario, an underdescribed South Arawak language spoken in Amazonian Bolivia, and discusses its interaction with irrealis. It starts with presenting the different negation markers and constructions used for each negation type: sentential negation (including the expression of apprehensive, and negation in subordinate clauses), free form answer, constituent negation, existential negation, negative indefinites and privative derivation. The paper then discusses the most interesting point in the expression of negation in Mojeño Trinitario, i.e. its interaction with irrealis. First, irrealis marking is obligatory both in sentential negation and in existential negation. Second, standard negation induces a realis/irrealis coding that is distinct from that occurring in affirmative clauses. This paper argues that standard negation is of the constructional asymmetric type: a negative clause is asymmetric with a corresponding positive clause, on the basis of obligatory irrealis marking and the placement of some TAM and discourse markers on the negative word. In the end, it points to how the encoding of the irrealis may be complex in the languages where the irrealis category covers a wide range of meanings including negation, since irrealis encoding is then redundant with negation encoding.

Series:

Sidi Facundes

Abstract

Two types of negation strategies will be discussed in Apurinã, an Arawak language most closely related to Piro/Yine/Manchineri e Iñapari, from the sothwestern Brazilian Amazon. While the first construction is marked by the negative particle kuna, a form for which so far there is no conclusively attested cognate in other Arawak languages, the second is the privative marker ma-, well known in the family. Since negation constructions in Apurinã are generally symmetrical in this language, in Miestamo’s (2005) terms, they do not require additional marking beyond these two linguistic forms, with a partial exception involving perfectivity. The negative particle kuna is used to mark more prototypical verb-predicates, whereas the privative marker is used with nominal-like predicates. In cases where both can be used, the difference in meaning between the two types of negative constructions generally follows from discourse-pragmatic factors associated with differences between more verbal versus more nominal predicates. Some preliminary discussion of these constructions in the context of the most closely related Arawak languages is also provided.

Series:

Marie-France Patte

Abstract

Guianese Lokono/Arawak is spoken in the lowlands of the Guianas, Guyana, Suriname, the French Overseas department of Guiana, and Venezuelan Guayana. It exhibits two negation operators: the particle kho(ro), and the privative ma-, used in some particular constructions.

Typically, the negative particle kho follows the predicate. With the exception of reportative tha, nothing can separate kho and the predicative core in clausal negation, or the negated constituent in constituent negation. Negative indefinites corresponding to English ‘nothing’ and ‘nobody’, and the negative time adverb ‘never’, are all formed using the negative particle kho(ro). This particle is not always a negation: it has also restrictive and attenuative values in some contexts.

Combined with relative nouns, privative ma- conveys the general meaning “to lack”; it combines also with stative roots. As a negation operator, ma- enters in a construction involving a non-finite form of the privative derived lexical verb and a dummy verb, bearing the inflectional morphology of the active verbs and functioning as an auxiliary. This construction forms the prohibitive; it is also commonly used with some verbs, like eithin, to know; anshin to want, and in subordinates.

Series:

Lev Michael

Abstract

This chapter describes standard and non-standard negation constructions in Nanti, a language of the Kampan branch of the Arawak family, focusing on the interaction between negation and reality status inflection in the language. Nanti exhibits a three-way constructional distinction between affirmative realis clauses, irrealis negated clauses, and ‘doubly irrealis’ clauses, which exhibit two irrealis parameters: negation and a parameter such as future temporal reference or conditional modality. Forms of main clause non-standard negation described include metalinguistic negation, existential negation, and ‘exhaustive’ negation. Negation in clause-linking constructions such as conditional, counterfactual, and purposive constructions is also described. Main clause negation construction types are typologized in terms of the paradigmatic and constructional (a)symmetries they exhibit: interaction between negation and reality status marking entails that standard negation is paradigmatically asymmetric, but this is not the case for metalinguistic negation, which does not affect reality status marking. Similarly, standard negation exhibits an aspectual neutralization symmetry, which metalinguistic negation lacks. Also discussed are reflexes in Nanti of the Proto-Arawak privative prefix *ma-, which are found only frozen as parts of verbal roots, and possibly, as part of the metalinguistic and existential negation particles.

Series:

Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald

Abstract

Tariana is the only North Arawak language currently spoken within the multilingual linguistic area of the Vaupés River Basin. Long-term interaction based on institutionalized multilingualism between East Tucanoan languages and Tariana has resulted in the rampant diffusion of grammatical and semantic patterns (rather than forms). A complex system of negation in Tariana reflects a combination of genetically inherited and areally diffused patterns. Tariana preserves the Proto-Arawak negative prefix in derivational and nominal negation. Some inherently negative lexemes and the distinction between future and non-future negation in declarative clauses are most likely to have resulted from impact of East Tucanoan languages. I discuss each of the Tariana negators, and then draw a comparison with negation patterns found in related North Arawak languages of the Rio Negro and the adjacent areas. These include the Baniwa of Içana-Kurripako dialect continuum, Piapoco, Guarequena, Warekena of Xié (and its dialects Baniwa of Guainia and the now extinct Yavitero), Resígaro, Achagua, Yucuna, Bahwana and Baré (both extinct). The Appendix contains an overview of negative forms in these North Arawak languages, accompanied by a list of sources.

Series:

Christopher Ball

Abstract

This chapter describes forms of negation in Wauja, an Arawak language spoken in the Upper Xingu region of the Xingu Indigenous Park in Brazil. In this chapter I document some common formal negation strategies in Wauja. I analyze standard negation of main clauses using the Wauja negative element aitsa. I describe Wauja standard negation as relatively symmetrical in that there is very little structural difference between declarative sentences that assert propositions and their negated counterparts besides the addition of the negative element. This contrasts with data from other Arawak languages that show how negation interacts in complex ways with Tense-Aspect-Mood (TAM) categories in relatively asymmetrical ways. I discuss forms of nonstandard negation in Wauja that employ morphologically complex forms. I present examples of morphological derivations from the negative element aitsa that add epistemic and emphatic meanings, and accomplish conditional and deontic negation. I also examine constituent negation utilizing the privative morpheme ma-, commonly found in Arawak languages. I analyze another form of nonstandard negation, existential negation, as employing a morphological variant of privative ma-. My data are drawn from elicited and naturally occurring discourse contexts.