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José Marcos Macedo and Daniel Kölligan

Abstract

It is argued that Cretan µωλεῖν ‘contend, bring an action to court’ may be derived from PIE *melh3- ‘to go, walk’, attested also in Gk. prs. βλώσκω, aor. ἔµολον, reflecting the frequent usage of motion verbs in legal contexts meaning ‘file a lawsuit’. The derivational basis of µωλέω may have been a thematized root noun *mṓlh3-s ‘going (to court)’ or a vr̥ddhi-formation based on *µολός ‘going’.

Włodzimierz Olszaniec

Konstantine Panegyres

Virginia M. Lewis

Abstract

When the Greek embassy visits Sicily to convince Gelon to support their cause against the Persian threat, Herodotus begins the Sicilian logos with the story of a man named Telines, an ancestor of the Deinomenid tyrants, Gelon and Hieron. This paper first argues that by resolving the stasis in Gela and securing the civic priesthood of the chthonic goddesses for his descendants Telines prefigures Gelon’s rise to power as tyrant in Sicily. Next, it demonstrates that kingship and the priesthood of Demeter and Persephone are closely linked in Deinomenid ideology in epinician poetry, which provides a crucial backdrop for Herodotus’ portrayal of Gelon. Finally, the paper examines subtle references to the cult of Demeter and Persephone in Herodotus’ account and proposes that Herodotus’ descriptions of the Deinomenids offer a cautionary tale in support of practices that uphold the boundaries between inherited priesthoods and political power in fifth-century Athens.

Joseph Geiger

Abstract

The appearance of Epaminondas in Plutarch’s De genio Socratis, who neither contributes significantly to the dialogue nor takes part in the liberation of Thebes from the Spartan rulers, seems gratuitous. This essay argues that an intertextual interplay must have existed between Plutarch’s essay and his lost Life of Epaminondas, the author’s favourite hero. Whatever the exact nature of that interplay, the historical background of Plutarch’s work was the recent assassination of Domitian: the forcible removal of tyrants was not only a theoretical question referred to by Epaminondas in the De genio, but also of immediate historical relevance.

Casper C. de Jonge and Arjan A. Nijk

Abstract

This article discusses the critical comparison (σύγκρισις) of the styles of Demosthenes and Cicero in Longinus, On the Sublime 12.4-5. Many readers have claimed that Longinus here presents Demosthenes and Cicero as two different models of the sublime. A detailed analysis of the passage, however, reveals that while the two are both credited with grandeur (µέγεθος), they are in fact not treated on a par with respect to sublimity (ὕψος). While the style of Demosthenes is described with keywords of Longinus’ conception of the sublime (ὕψος), Cicero’s style is consistently associated with the quality of diffusion (χύσις), which is closely associated with amplification (αὔξησις). Longinus’ discussion of Cicero may have pleased the Roman readers in his audience, as he is presented as a canonical author of ‘great’ literature. We argue, however, that in the end, Longinus reserves the status of sublimity for his heroes of classical Greece.

George Woudhuysen

Abstract

In this article, I examine the name of a friend and correspondent of the fourth-century poet Rufius Festus Avienius, commonly identified hitherto as Flavianus Myrmeicus. After summarising the current state of research and translating the verse epistle which he received, I argue that, for a variety of reasons, Myrmeicus cannot be his name. Instead, it should be emended to Myrmecius, which was his signum: an example of a type of nickname which many Romans of elevated status in late antiquity bore in addition to their birth names. I examine Myrmecius as a signum within the context of late-Roman supernomina more generally, in the process clarifying how and in what circumstances and combinations they were used, and suggesting several sources from which they might be derived. I then explain how Myrmecius’ signum might have been mangled in the course of transmission, and conclude by noting that while the bulk of attested signa are found on inscriptions, Myrmecius suggests that many more may currently lie concealed in literary texts.