This paper is based on an ethnographic study conducted in a public hospital in Bangladesh. The study shows how the social dynamics necessary to deal with the structural realities of the hospital give this cosmopolitan institution a local character. In this paper, we describe this local character by focusing on the lower-level hospital staff, such as ward boys, cleaners, and gatemen. Social inequality and exclusion are rampant in Bangladeshi public hospitals. Doctors and nurses are unwilling to communicate with patients and their relatives, while the latter are unable to approach the former for specific help or information. Our research, shows how low-level support workers fill the void between the two “factions” and act as brokers transporting information and activities between these factions. By doing so they do not only make a crucial contribution to the functioning of the ward, but also gain considerable influence in spite of their low position.
This study explores how the sexual identity and practices of the köçeks, who were positioned in the entertainment field in 17th Century Ottoman Istanbul, were socially constructed and how these practices had been well understood in the social sphere of the era. For this purpose, gender roles and practices of Köçeks’ in this period are discussed in instrumentalised body concept and dance field. The field and habitus approach of Bourdieu has been used to understand the relationship between the gender roles of the köçeks and the appreciation of this style by different social positions/classes/groups. As a result, their body and sexual identities had been accepted, and their dances had enabled köçeks to have an important position in the entertainment field by being among the tastes and preferences of the different social groups in the social space. In this sense, gender roles of köçeks had multi-component structure and cannot be easily understood over the male and female duality.
The Confucius Institute (CI), one vehicle for promoting a new narrative of Chinese national identity, has been controversial since its establishment. In contrast with political scientists who discuss the CI from a macro-perspective and argue that it is a state apparatus, this article focuses on micro- and meso-aspects of CI teachers’ everyday lives and social engagement in their locality, Thailand. When Chinese nationness meets Thainess, CI teachers made their own calculations as to how much Chineseness and Thainess they should dip in and out of to accomplish their nation-work. Nation-work is a synthesised concept that includes the way CI teachers are “saying,” “doing,” and “otherising” the nations. By employing “Chinese and Thais are like one family,” CI teachers reproduced the Sino-Thai “brotherhood.” For staying in Thailand “peacefully,” they invented their own “tradition.” Cultural activities become a nuanced way to “overcommunicate” Chineseness on the stage, with uneven quality.
This study identifies what similar aspects determine access to financial capital for female entrepreneurs both in Denmark and Indonesia. Departing from a structuralist constructivist perspective (including the concepts of symbolic violence, social similarity, female otherness), we identify the impact of gender-discrimination, nationality, and further variables. The sample comprises 124 female respondents and, for reasons of comparison, 86 male respondents from Denmark and Indonesia. Binary logistic regressions and t-tests show that financial discrepancies between male and female entrepreneurs (FE s) were larger in Indonesia than in Denmark. However, findings also suggest that gender discrimination prevails in both countries, as men have easier access to funds from family, banks, and angel investors. This study provides evidence of gender bias prevailing in both a maturing and a matured economy with a strong discourse on gender equality. We propose explaining the similarities in gender discrimination with veiled, structural discrimination being able to linger in both post-feminist, legally equality-granting, as well as in legally less egalitarian societies.