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Anthony D. Yates and Sam Zukoff


In this paper we develop a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the phonology of partial reduplication in the Anatolian branch of Indo-European. We argue that the reduplicative patterns of Hittite and Luwian differ from Proto-Anatolian, which exhibited an asymmetric treatment of verbal stems with initial consonant clusters: full copying of sibilant-stop clusters, but partial copying of stop-sonorant clusters. We contend that the phonological constraint driving this asymmetry, No Poorly-Cued Repetitions (Zukoff 2017a), was demoted within the separate prehistories of Hittite and Luwian due to independent phonological changes eliminating the distinction between these cluster types. Furthermore, we show that the proposed set of diachronic constraint re-rankings in Hittite and Luwian can be explained under Maximally Informative Recursive Constraint Demotion, a minor reformulation of the Recursive Constraint Demotion algorithm (RCD; Tesar 1995, Tesar and Smolensky 1998, 2000) that favors the high ranking of maximally informative winner-preferring constraints.

Ryan Sandell


Although the morphological components of the Vedic noun dāśvā́ṃs- are, from the Indo-European point of view, relatively transparent (root */dek̑-/ ‘perceive’, perfect participle suffix */-u̯ós-/), the exact derivation of the form is disputed, insofar as its history is bound up with an understanding of Proto-Indo-European “long-vowel preterites” (Schumacher 2005, Jasanoff 2012). This article argues that a shallow synchronic derivation of dāśvā́ṃs- in Vedic Sanskrit encounters problems in both morphology and phonology that have been overlooked by proponents of such a derivation (Jasanoff 2012, LIV 2: 110–111). The article then further proposes that a cognate of dāśvā́ṃs- is to be found in the isolated Homeric adjective, ἀδηκότες, previously without certain interpretation or etymology; here the gloss ‘inattentive, oblivious, unheeding’ is proposed. The etymological connection of dāśvā́ṃs- to Homeric (ἀ-)δηκότ(-ε/ας) thus supports the reconstruction of a Proto-(Nuclear)-Indo-European (PNIE) form *[dēk̑u̯ós-]; within the grammar of PNIE itself, such a form would be synchronically derived as a perfect participle /RED-dek̑-u̯ós-/, in which a “long-vowel” form surfaces in perfect stems whose zero-grade form is phonologically dispreferred and therefore repaired (cf. Schumacher 2005, Zukoff 2014, Sandell 2015a, Sandell 2015b: Ch. 8, Zukoff 2017a: Ch. 5, 7). The larger implication is at least some “long-vowel” preterites of PNIE can be explained as phonologically driven allomorphs of perfect weak stems.

Fulvio Beschi


The pattern (Setting – Topic –) Focus. NB: The Verb always follows, which was proposed by H. Dik in order to describe AG’s left periphery, raises some issues. In particular, it presents a number of exceptions, which scholars (Matić and others) have variously attempted to resolve. In the present contribution, based on case studies drawn from Homer, the following pattern for the Homeric left periphery is proposed: (Setting – Topic – Focus). NB: Unmarked elements follow. This is not dramatically different from Dik’s pattern; rather, it is an extension of it.

Aorist voice patterns in the diachrony of Greek

The New Testament as a sample of Koine

Liana Tronci


This paper deals with the aorist voice system in NT Greek and focuses on middle-passive markers, namely middle inflection, e.g. in the middle sigmatic aorist, and affixes -η-/-θη-, in the so-called passive aorist. The research is corpus-based and investigates the occurrences of ca. 1800 verbal items. According to the grammarians, in the NT both middle and passive aorists spread. The present study confirms this observation by providing a comprehensive account of the distribution of these forms, but also shows how they have functionally reorganised. Passive aorists spread at the expense of middle aorists in all kinds of intransitive constructions, namely passive, unaccusative, and reflexive, whereas middle aorists are either found in transitive middles, e.g. possessive, benefactive etc., or occur as deponent verbs in both transitive and intransitive clauses. The parameter transitive vs intransitive appears to be relevant for this functional reorganisation.

Conjunctive adverbs in Ancient Greek

Position and development of conjunctive functions

José Miguel Jiménez Delgado


Conjunctive adverbs have generally been neglected in Ancient Greek grammars. In this language, textual cohesion is mostly assured by a battery of connective particles. While connective particles exhibit fixed position, conjunctive adverbs show a certain degree of positional variability. They usually take initial position, as well as medial position when preceded by a preposed constituent. Final position is very rare and most instances are due to ellipsis. This is comparable to the early phases of the development of similar adverbs in other languages.

From the editors

Some self-examination, once again

Dag T.T. Haug, Brian D. Joseph and Anna Roussou


Emerita Professor Erika Mihevc Gabrovec (1927–2017)

Jerneja Kavčič

Connectives and discourse markers in Ancient Greek

The diachrony of atár from Homeric Greek to Classical Attic

Guglielmo Inglese


The Ancient Greek particle atár has been described as a connective device that encodes either an adversative or a progressive relation between sentences. The purpose of this paper is to revise the description of this particle by framing its analysis within a consistent and theoretically up-to-date model of clause linkage and discourse structure. Starting from previous findings on the function of atár in Homer, I undertake a corpus analysis of atár in Euripides and Aristophanes. This analysis reveals differences in usage at different stages of the language that have been previously neglected. Whereas in Homer, atár largely behaves as a connective and encodes a semantic relation of oppositive contrast between sentences, in later texts it rather behaves as a discourse marker and contributes to the management of both thematic continuity and interactional practices. These differences point to a specific diachronic path of grammaticalization that accounts for the changes undergone by atár.