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José Miguel Jiménez Delgado

The purpose of this paper is to explain the construction of concessive participles introduced by kaì taûta in Ancient Greek as an instance of epitaxis, a specific type of coordination. This construction will be differentiated from the concessive participles introduced by adverbial kaí, the usual construction, by its syntactic configuration and pragmatics. The data is drawn from the works of Xenophon of Athens (c. 430–354 BC).

Jerneja Kavčič

It seems established that infinitives used in declarative infinitive clauses (DeclarInfCl) convey relative temporality in Classical Greek, with the aorist infinitive referring to anteriority, the present infinitive to simultaneity, and the future infinitive to posteriority. In Hellenistic/Roman Greek and in Early Byzantine Greek, by comparison, DeclarInfCl do not display the same variety of infinitive forms. These periods appear to avoid the aorist infinitive while manifesting a very common use of perfect infinitives and stative present infinitives in DeclarInfCl. These tendencies stand in a complex relation to other developments in the post-Classical period. This paper accounts for what appears to be the decline of the aorist infinitive in DeclarInfCl, claiming that this phenomenon is most likely related to the perfect infinitive adopting the function of conveying anteriority in DeclarInfCl.

From the Editors

JGL Moving to Open Access

Dag T.T. Haug, Brian D. Joseph and Anna Roussou

From the Editors

Open Access 2.0

Dag T.T. Haug, Brian D. Joseph and Anna Roussou

The Greek suffix -ozos

A Case Study in Loan Suffixation

Georgia Katsouda

This paper offers a morphological analysis of the borrowed derivational suffix -όζος [ózos], used in both a number of Modern Greek (MGr) dialects and in Standard Modern Greek (SMGr). It draws on an extensive corpus to examine the suffix from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective. Our diachronic analysis emphasizes the geographical distribution, the etymological provenance of the suffix, and the loan accommodation strategies employed in various MGr dialects, thus providing some interesting etymological findings regarding the lexical stock of Modern Greek (Standard and dialects). Our synchronic analysis focuses on the stem categories with which the suffix combines and accounts for the phonological, morphological, and syntactic constraints that function during the derivational process.

Charalambos Christodoulou

In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2015 Ph.D. dissertation from the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki on the phonological description of the local dialect of Northwest Paphos (Cyprus).

Louiza Voniati

While research undertaken worldwide indicates that mean length of utterance (MLU) is a valuable index in investigations of child language development, to date there have been no studies exploring MLU in pre-primary Cypriot Greek (CYG)-speaking children. The participants in this study were 36 monolingual CYG-speaking children at ages 36, 40, 44 and 48 months, with a typical course of language development. The findings demonstrated that MLU counted in words (MLU-w) of typically developing CYG-speaking children had a positive correlation with age (from 36 to 48 months) and a non-significant difference in MLU-w by gender at each age point, and that typically developing CYG-speaking children, for the age range studied, tended to produce more multiword utterance types. An outcome of this study is an MLU-w database which could be used, with some caution, in the language assessment of a similar population or as the basis for future studies. Areas for further research are identified.

Negation and Modality

A Study of Some Epistemic Predicates in Modern Greek

Eva Hedin

This paper deals with the question of negation and mood in Modern Greek verb complementation where there is a choice between an indicative and a subjunctive complement, in particular those with the verb pistévo (πιστεύω) ‘think, believe’, but also nomízo (νομίζω) ‘think, believe’, kséro (ξέρω) ‘know’, thimáme (θυμάμαι) ‘remember’, vlépo (βλέπω) ‘see’, akúo (ακούω) ‘hear’, and vrísko (βρίσκω) ‘find’. It presents the result of an empirical study of pistévo, based on an investigation undertaken in the Hellenic National Corpus (HNC) of sentential complements following pistévo. The factor of negation in the matrix is investigated along with two other factors, hypothesized to be of interest, namely first person singular of the present tense in the matrix and second person (singular and plural) in the complement. As was expected, neither any of the three factors individually or any combination of the three can be considered decisive for the choice of mood. What seems to be certain, however, is that the combination of all three constitutes a context that favours the subjunctive and in one case actually seems to exclude an indicative complement, namely when the illocutionary force of the utterance is that of a question, more or less rhetorically eliciting feedback. It thus does not seem to be the presence of the negation, nor any other syntactic factor, that actually triggers the subjunctive with this verb in some contexts, but a particular speech situation (where the three investigated factors are typically present). That is, the prerequisite is not syntactic, but pragmatic.

Eleni Karantzola and Konstantinos Sampanis

A syntactic feature that characterizes Early Modern Greek is the “pleonastic” usage of the complement conjunction óti or pos with the mood (“subjunctive”) particle na, as well as the co-presence of the complementisers óti and pos. These co-occurrences are ungrammatical in Modern Greek, while in vernacular Late Medieval and Early Modern Greek texts they are sufficiently attested. In this paper we record a large number of instantiations of the {óti / pos} + na / óti + pos structures in order to trace the conditions of their occurrence; the examples come from extended prose texts of the 16th century as Kartanos’ “Palaia te kai nea Diathiki” (Kakoulidi-Panou 2000) or Morezinos’ “Klini Solomontos” (Kakoulidi-Panou et al. 2007), as well as an anthology of demotic prose texts of 16th century edited by Kakoulidi-Panou, Karantzola & Tiktopoulou (in press).