Browse results

You are looking at 51 - 60 of 285 items for :

  • Indo-European Languages x
  • Open accessible content x
  • Chapters/Articles x
  • Primary Language: English x
Clear All Modify Search

The Greek suffix -ozos

A Case Study in Loan Suffixation

Georgia Katsouda

This paper offers a morphological analysis of the borrowed derivational suffix -όζος [ózos], used in both a number of Modern Greek (MGr) dialects and in Standard Modern Greek (SMGr). It draws on an extensive corpus to examine the suffix from both a synchronic and a diachronic perspective. Our diachronic analysis emphasizes the geographical distribution, the etymological provenance of the suffix, and the loan accommodation strategies employed in various MGr dialects, thus providing some interesting etymological findings regarding the lexical stock of Modern Greek (Standard and dialects). Our synchronic analysis focuses on the stem categories with which the suffix combines and accounts for the phonological, morphological, and syntactic constraints that function during the derivational process.

Charalambos Christodoulou

In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2015 Ph.D. dissertation from the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki on the phonological description of the local dialect of Northwest Paphos (Cyprus).

Louiza Voniati

While research undertaken worldwide indicates that mean length of utterance (MLU) is a valuable index in investigations of child language development, to date there have been no studies exploring MLU in pre-primary Cypriot Greek (CYG)-speaking children. The participants in this study were 36 monolingual CYG-speaking children at ages 36, 40, 44 and 48 months, with a typical course of language development. The findings demonstrated that MLU counted in words (MLU-w) of typically developing CYG-speaking children had a positive correlation with age (from 36 to 48 months) and a non-significant difference in MLU-w by gender at each age point, and that typically developing CYG-speaking children, for the age range studied, tended to produce more multiword utterance types. An outcome of this study is an MLU-w database which could be used, with some caution, in the language assessment of a similar population or as the basis for future studies. Areas for further research are identified.

Negation and Modality

A Study of Some Epistemic Predicates in Modern Greek

Eva Hedin

This paper deals with the question of negation and mood in Modern Greek verb complementation where there is a choice between an indicative and a subjunctive complement, in particular those with the verb pistévo (πιστεύω) ‘think, believe’, but also nomízo (νομίζω) ‘think, believe’, kséro (ξέρω) ‘know’, thimáme (θυμάμαι) ‘remember’, vlépo (βλέπω) ‘see’, akúo (ακούω) ‘hear’, and vrísko (βρίσκω) ‘find’. It presents the result of an empirical study of pistévo, based on an investigation undertaken in the Hellenic National Corpus (HNC) of sentential complements following pistévo. The factor of negation in the matrix is investigated along with two other factors, hypothesized to be of interest, namely first person singular of the present tense in the matrix and second person (singular and plural) in the complement. As was expected, neither any of the three factors individually or any combination of the three can be considered decisive for the choice of mood. What seems to be certain, however, is that the combination of all three constitutes a context that favours the subjunctive and in one case actually seems to exclude an indicative complement, namely when the illocutionary force of the utterance is that of a question, more or less rhetorically eliciting feedback. It thus does not seem to be the presence of the negation, nor any other syntactic factor, that actually triggers the subjunctive with this verb in some contexts, but a particular speech situation (where the three investigated factors are typically present). That is, the prerequisite is not syntactic, but pragmatic.

Negative Interrogatives and Whatnot

The Conversion of Negation in Indo-European

Olav Hackstein

The present article examines the attenuation and conversion of outer and inner negations under interrogative scope (interrogative negation). Interrogative scope over outer and inner negations triggers network processes at the interface of syntax, semantics and pragmatics, which may in the long run result in the bleaching of their negating function. This explains the crosslinguistically frequent homophony of negations with non-negating particles, conjunctions and complementizers. I discuss four mechanisms, the Asking > Calling-into-Question Implicature (§§ 2, 3), the Asking-for-Confirmation Implicature (§§ 2, 3), the Affirmative-Negative Equivalence under Disjunction (§ 4), and the Litotes Effect (§ 5).

Eleni Karantzola and Konstantinos Sampanis

A syntactic feature that characterizes Early Modern Greek is the “pleonastic” usage of the complement conjunction óti or pos with the mood (“subjunctive”) particle na, as well as the co-presence of the complementisers óti and pos. These co-occurrences are ungrammatical in Modern Greek, while in vernacular Late Medieval and Early Modern Greek texts they are sufficiently attested. In this paper we record a large number of instantiations of the {óti / pos} + na / óti + pos structures in order to trace the conditions of their occurrence; the examples come from extended prose texts of the 16th century as Kartanos’ “Palaia te kai nea Diathiki” (Kakoulidi-Panou 2000) or Morezinos’ “Klini Solomontos” (Kakoulidi-Panou et al. 2007), as well as an anthology of demotic prose texts of 16th century edited by Kakoulidi-Panou, Karantzola & Tiktopoulou (in press).

Chiara Bozzone

This paper argues that the Caland system rests on a Pre-PIE verb-like adjective class, which formed root aorists. The Caland system as we know it came to be when PIE shifted to having a noun-like adjective class, and the Caland roots had to be adapted to the new system via derivation (while the old root aorists were gradually lost). Evidence for root aorists to Caland roots in Vedic is reviewed, and a typologically informed scenario for the shift is proposed. Finally, the paper argues that this scenario clarifies the origin of the *-eh 1- stative in Indo-European (following Jasanoff (2002–2003)’s account), which would have arisen as PIE shifted from verb-like adjectives to nominal adjectives, and came to have a switch adjective system based on aspect.

Anna Kuritsyna

The paper is devoted to the Tocharian phenomenon of preposition repetition, which occurs when a preposition governs conjuncts. This phenomenon is well known in Old Russian, but it is also described for some other ancient and modern languages, e.g. Latin, Greek, Hebrew and modern French. In the majority of these languages, the occurrence of reiterated prepositions is optional. This is different in Tocharian: although there are cases of both repetition and nonrepetition of prepositions with conjuncts, repetition seems to be obligatory. On the basis of an analysis of all available contexts, it will be argued that preposition repetition in Tocharian is a regular syntactic mechanism unless metrical characteristics of particular verse texts cause omission of the preposition.

Laura Grestenberger

This paper argues that the Proto-Indo-European voice system, despite undergoing several waves of morphological renewal on the way to the daughter languages (Jasanoff 2003), was typologically that of early IE languages like Vedic and Greek, and contemporary languages such as Modern Greek, and that the syncretic voice systems of these languages share the property of having deponents. While previous discussions of middle-only verbs have focused on a few morphologically archaic but semantically unsurprising middles, I show that PIE also had agentive, syntactically active middles that escaped the expected remodeling as formally active verbs and surface as deponents in the IE daughter branches. Reconstructing verbs with “unexpected” voice morphology may seem counter-intuitive, but is necessary to cover the empirical facts and may also serve as a diagnostic for the relative chronology of the morphological innovations that occurred in the domain of PIE voice morphology.

Raf Van Rooy

The present paper aims at drawing renewed attention to the relevance of evidentiality for Ancient Greek by means of a number of case studies taken from two of Plato’s works (namely the Apologia Socratis and Crito). First, I briefly identify the conceptual framework within which the main analysis of Attic evidential phenomena occurs. Then, I provide a preliminary overview of (possible) linguistic means used in marking evidentiality in Ancient Greek (formal aspect). I also explore the way in which evidential values are conveyed (semantic aspect). Certain Attic particles (e.g., ára, dḗpou), functional oppositions in complementizing patterns (e.g., hóti vs. hōs), defective verbal forms (e.g., ēmí), and “auxiliaries” (e.g., dokéō) are revealed as evidential markers or “strategies”. These are able to express inferential, presumptive, reportative, quotative, visual, and participatory evidentiality. The oblique optative is suggested to have evidential overtones as well. In summary, the paper endeavors to show the importance of “evidentiality” as an integrative conceptual frame for the descriptive analysis of certain Ancient Greek phenomena.