The aim of this paper is to investigate ‘eînai (‘be’) plus dative’ and ‘eînai plus genitive’ possessive constructions, paying special attention to the semantic content of the verb eînai in order to identify the function and the distribution of the various combinatorial patterns of the constructions in question, and the precise role of the verbal items. In particular, the present analysis, carried out within the framework of Construction Grammar, will attempt to demonstrate that each possessive variant constitutes a semantically and pragmatically distinct pattern where the semantic content of the verb eînai is the result of form-meaning configurations over and above the morpheme and word level. From this perspective, the cluster of semantic, pragmatic and morpho-syntactic values attributed to participant slots constitutes an integral part of constructions.
Maria Carmela Benvenuto and Flavia Pompeo
Medieval Greek had three future periphrases making use of a finite verb and an infinitive: μέλλω + INF, ἔχω + INF, θέλω + INF. Given the parallel nature of the periphrases as well as the fact that the infinitive existed in both a perfective and an imperfective version, it might be expected that these future-referring forms developed aspectual distinctions in similar ways. However based on papyrological evidence from AD I and AD VI this article shows that this was not the case. Rather, each future periphrasis seems to follow its own path towards the aspectual distinction which is a hallmark of the Modern Greek verbal system: μέλλω + INF has a much higher ratio of imperfective infinitives than the two other periphrases especially in AD I, ἔχω + INF starts out using only the perfective infinitive when referring to the future, and θέλω + INF distinguishes for aspect before it gains future meaning. The difference in aspectual usage is explained both by the semantics of the respective auxiliaries and by different oppositional relations (modal and temporal) that the periphrases enter into.
In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2013 Ph.D. dissertation from the University of Patras on inflection and derivation from a Construction Morphology standpoint.
In this contribution, I offer a summary of my 2012 Ph.D. dissertation from the University of Florence (Firenze) on given morphosyntactic changes between Ancient Greek and Modern Greek.
Panayiotis A. Pappas
Recent studies on the pattern of clitic placement in Cypriot Greek (Revithiadou 2006; Chatzikyriakidis 2010, 2012; Pappas 2010, 2011), have posited the existence of counterexamples to the rule that the pronoun is proclitic after a complementizer or other such function words. These counterexamples are associated with a specific set of lexical items: έντζε, ότι, επειδή, αφού, and γιατί. Equally unclear is the clitic pattern with pre-verbal elements such as focused DP subjects. I present here the results of an acceptability judgment study of 34 Cypriot speakers based on magnitude estimation tests (MET) in ten different syntactic environments and two different conditions (enclisis vs. proclisis), for a total number of data points N = 680. The results demonstrate that these exceptional patterns are integral parts of Cypriot Greek competence and highlight the role that lexical items can play in terms of creating sub-patterns of generalizations within larger schemes.