This paper articulates our desire for new humanisms in a contemporary cultural, economic and global context that has been described as posthuman. As researchers committed to modes of radical, critical, politicised and inclusive education, we are mindful of the significance of social theory and its relationship with articulations of social justice. Whilst sympathetic to the potentiality of posthuman thought we grapple with the imperative to embrace new humanisms that historicise and recognise global inequalities that concurrently exist in relation to a myriad of human categories including class, age, geopolitical location, gender, sexuality, race and disability. We focus in on the latter two categories and draw on ideas from postcolonial and critical disability studies. Our argument considers the problem of humanism (as a product of colonial Western imaginaries), the critical responses offered by posthuman thinking and then seeks to rearticulate forms of new humanism that are responsive to the posthuman condition and, crucially, the political interventions of Postcolonial and Critical Disability Scholars. We then outline six new humanist projects that could productively feed into the work of the Journal of Disability Studies in Education.
The article is based on a qualitative field study of how justice (in its wider sense) is understood by practitioners and religious leaders from Judaism, Islam and Christianity, who work with victims of domestic violence and abuse. The article focuses on two key questions: a) how do practitioners from the three faith communities conceptualise justice in relation to domestic violence and abuse (DVA)? b) how far do these practitioners believe that victims of DVA have access to justice within their respective faith communities? The findings suggest that the concept of structural spiritual abuse should be given more attention by the DVA literature and also by those who are working with women of faith.
Presented in this article is a review of the 2020 publication of a book edited by Linda Ware and Roger Slee commemorating the contribution of Ellen Brantlinger to the field of disability studies in education (dse) in a new Brill series entitled Critical Leaders and the Foundation of Disability Studies in Education. Brantlinger the person, researcher, activist and scholar is explored across the 168 pages, in which authors from the US and UK explain the impact her work has had on their own scholarship. The review explores the contributions individually and collectively, along with the significance of the series as a recording of the field’s history.
This article discusses the findings of an empirical study, the first to investigate Taiwanese and Hong Kong parents’ perspectives on their disabled children’s play. The study employed an online survey to explore parents’ views on (a) the value of play for their child; (b) their child’s experiences of play (e.g. where and with whom they play); c) what, if any, barriers their child experiences in/to play. Our analysis shows that disabled children living in Taiwan and Hong Kong face many of the same barriers to play as disabled children elsewhere (e.g. in the West), but that these barriers have distinct ‘local formations’ resulting from, for example, high-density urban-living, family-based welfare systems, prevailing gendered family roles/relations, persistent social stigma towards disabled people and their families and intense valuing of academic achievement within Chinese cultures. We present this article as an original contribution to Disabled Children’s Childhood Studies, to Global Disability Studies and Play Studies. The article concludes by mapping an agenda for further research into access to and inclusion in play for disabled children living in East Asia.
International relations and sport have become increasingly intertwined, with sport and sports events being used for various diplomatic and political goals. Yet, membership of FIFA and the IOC is largely organised along lines of sovereign statehood. Like other fora of diplomacy, this excludes contested territories that wish to engage in diplomacy for various political, economic, and cultural reasons. Yet, these entities can engage in international sports (diplomacy) through membership of the Confederation of Independent Football Associations (CONIFA). This paper finds that while the participating entities often make a political statement, there is little evidence that participation in CONIFA has positively impacted their foreign policy goals. Furthermore, beyond CONIFA, contested territories have been unable to advance their sporting sovereignty or engage in diplomatic relations with recognised states. However, CONIFA aids in nation branding through hosting rights and media attention, and contributes to strengthening the ‘national’ identity of the participants.