The prevailing internal reconstruction of the Classical Tibetan verbal system accounts for all ablaut phenomena as innovations triggered by erstwhile segmental affixes. The traditional account cannot be correct, because the paradigms of nine verbs show -o- in the present stem without g- and a further three verbs show g- in the present without -o-.
This paper proposes the use of network techniques in the exploration of Old Chinese phonology as reflected in the phonophoric determinatives of xiéshēng 諧聲 characters. We use the approach to examine five specific proposals in Chinese historical phonology, and whether the distinctions suggested by these proposals can be said to be recoverable on the basis of phonophoric choice. The major finding is that the type A versus type B distinction is in some cases encoded in the choice of phonophoric determinative, while other distinctions are only spuriously if at all reflected in the phonophoric subseries.
There are plenty of Chinese loan words that have lost connection with their original Chinese characters. Korean speakers may mistake them for native Korean words or connect them with wrong Chinese characters. In this article, the author applies “character-search” methodology and “sound-search” methodology for searching for the original characters of Chinese loan words which have lost connection with their graphic forms in Korean. With “character-search” methodology, this article confirms the origin of “pan-tsi (반지, which means “ring” in Korea)” is “扳指”, and with “sound-search” methodology, this article verifies the origin of Korean words “kje-ʦa (겨자, mustard)”, “∅u.tu (우두, the head)”, “sen.pi (선비, a learned man)”, and “mai (매, a quern)” are “芥子”, “為頭”, “先輩” and “磨” respectively.