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Chang Teng (滕暢)

In this paper, we find the original character of ‘tan3’ which means throwing or casting off in Southern Min. In the first section, we review the ways of the traditional writing characters in Southern Min and then we put forward our argument. In section 2, we list the possible cognates in Leizhou Min, Hakka, Cantonese, Xiang, Gan, Wu, Jin and Chinese Mandarin. We explain the reason from the aspect of sound correspondence and sound change for the above possible cognates and find the meaning ‘hit’ of it. In section 3, we present a detailed analysis of the potential original character and cite a lot of example sentences as evidences. Then we prove that the potential original character has the meaning ‘hit’ by the study on the word family of it. In section 4, we find that the original character of ‘tiŋ3’ in Southern Min which means hitting is the same as the original character of ‘tan3’. We also list some other characters which have the meaning ‘throw’ in Southern Min in order to prove the argument. In the last section, we rethink the reasons why we can find the original character of ‘tan3’ in Southern Min.

本文考出閩南語中表達「投擲;丟棄」之義的tan3的本字為「打」。本文在第1節中首先回顧了閩南語tan3的常見寫法並逐一討論,再提出本文論點;在第2節中列出其在閩南雷州方言、客方言、粵方言、湘方言、贛方言、吳方言、晉方言、官話中可能的同源詞,一方面證明「釘」字與該詞素音讀吻合、而「打」字僅存在聲調上的差異,另一方面發現這一可能的同源詞在方言間除「投擲」義外另有「擊打」義;在第3節中首先回顧「丁」詞族的「釘」「打」二字在古文獻中的用法,從中發現「打」字表示「擊打」「擲擊」義的例證,進而釐清「打」字「擊打——擲擊——投擲」的語義發展脈絡,以此證明論點;在第4節中敘述「釘」字在閩南語中的用法,分析並證明「孤對tiŋ3」「tiŋ3孤枝」兩詞中tiŋ3的本字亦為「打」,此外還通過閩南語中其它表示「投擲」之義的語詞「掔」「揕」「㧒」等輔助論證;在第5節中提出一些反思。

Lin Deng (鄧琳)

The present study is mainly concerned with the nature of the demonstrative shì 是 as the historical source of the copula shì. Tracing the development of shì in bronze inscriptions from the 11th to 3rd centuries bce and comparing the patterns of change against two purportedly contemporary texts, Shī jīng 詩經 and Shàng shū 尚書, it argues that shì is not a typical demonstrative in origin because it only occurs pronominally and is strongly associated with the structural expression of focus in its early stage of development. On the basis of these observations, shì is analyzed as a special demonstrative that combines anaphoric and focalizing force to highlight and contrast a constituent that has been introduced into the discourse. It is then compared with the expressions wéi zhī  唯之and huì zhī 惠之 with the same function in the Shang oracle-bone inscriptions (13th–11th centuries bce). The investigation of whether shì is derived from wéi zhī only finds evidence indicating a morphological relationship with zhī, while the etymological link with wéi remains speculative. In conclusion, this study claims that the focalizing force of shì is important in answering the question why it is the only demonstrative evolving into a copula. The observed development of shì confirms that the origination of copulas is often related to the morphosyntactic expression of features of information structure.

本文擬對指示詞“是”的最初歷史來源進行探討。根據學界近年對指示詞的研究成果,本文提出“是”很可能在產生之初即具有促發其向繫詞轉變的特徵。通過對西周至春秋戰國金文資料中指示詞“是”的全部用例的研讀以及與《詩經》、《尚書》中用例的比照,本文發現“是”的早期用法均為復指,且僅出現在焦點位置,其產生與商代甲骨語言中獨有的“唯/惠之”的表達方式大有關聯,極大可能是“之”在焦點位置的形態變體。“是”以及“唯/惠之”在語篇中具有同樣的復指及聚焦的雙重功能,是焦點的句法表達手段,反映了繫詞產生與焦點的句法表達之間的密切聯繫。

Sound Correspondence and the Comparative Study of Miao-Yao Languages (語音對應與苗瑤語比較研究)

From the Perspective of Complete Sound Correspondence (從完全對應的角度看)

Feng Wang (汪鋒) and Wen Liu (劉文)

Rigorous sound correspondence is fundamental to historical linguistics. It serves as a solid start in studying genetic relationship. Regarding the genetic position of Miao-Yao languages, Li (1937) proposed a hypothesis that the Sino-Tibetan language family consists of Chinese, Tibeto-Burman, Kam-Tai, and Miao-Yao. Benedict (1942; 1975) excluded Miao-Yao from the Sino-Tibetan language family since sound correspondences between Miao-Yao and Chinese were considered to be caused by language contact. The key point in this debate has been ignored for a long time: are the related morphemes proposed in this debate supported by rigorous sound correspondence? In this paper, related morphemes across 11 Miao-Yao languages have been first identified under the requirement of complete sound correspondence, and then analyzed by the Rank Method. The result of the genetic relationship between the 11 Miao-Yao languages has been confirmed. The same procedure has been applied to Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes, and similar pattern has been found. The Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes were recognized to be inherited from the common ancestor of Chinese and Miao-Yao. Combined with the result from the perspective of pervasive sound correspondence (Wang 2015), the proposal of a genetic relationship between Chinese and Miao-Yao has been supported. The Inexplicability Principle has been used to weaken the possibility of Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes being induced by borrowing from Chinese to Miao-Yao, since some sound correspondences are unlikely to be explained by natural phonetic mechanisms. Moreover, related morphemes in Chinese and Miao-Yao have been examined from the perspective of Old Chinese, and such an examination also supports the hypothesis of a genetic relationship between Chinese and Miao-Yao languages.

嚴格的語音對應是歷史比較的基礎,也是判定語源關係的必要條件。在苗瑤語的語源問題研究中,李方桂(1937)提出漢藏語系四語族學說,即漢語、藏緬語、侗台語和苗瑤語。Benedict(1942、1975)則將苗瑤語從漢藏語系中劃分出去,理由是苗瑤語和漢語有對應關係的語素是由接觸造成的。苗瑤語系屬問題的爭議焦點在於苗瑤語和漢語音近義同的一批關係語素是否有嚴格的語音對應支持,然而這一問題一直以來不被重視。本文基於完全對應得到苗瑤語族內部11個語言的關係語素,隨後應用詞階法分析,結果如願所示,這11個語言之間具有發生學關係。同樣的程序應用于漢-苗瑤語關係語素,結果與上述呈現的模式相同,即這些關係語素是來自漢語和苗瑤語共同的祖語,而非語言接觸的產物。結合普遍對應的研究(Wang 2015),漢語和苗瑤語的發生學關係可以得到支持。不可釋原則也顯示漢-苗瑤語關係語素是由苗瑤語從漢語借用的可能性較小,因為二者間的部分語音對應不可能通過自然音變來解釋。此外,從上古漢語的角度對漢-苗瑤語關係語素的校驗也支持二者的同源關係。

Syntactic Typology in Chinese (Part ii.1) (漢語句法類型學(第二部分之一))

The Neutral Question Forms – VP-neg in Min (中性問形式–VP-neg 閩語裏的謂語+否定詞式)

Anne O. Yue (余靄芹)

Recapturing the outline given in Part i of this article on syntactic typology in Chinese, the entire article “is divided into three parts: two pertaining to the neutral question forms and one to the attributive and the nominalized construction. Part 1 deals with the V-not-V questions, Part 2 the VP-neg and the Adv-VP questions and it also provides a general typological discussion of the neutral questions, while Part 3 discusses the attributive and the nominalized patterns, with a conclusion on dialectology in typology.” Since the VP-neg form is being gradually replaced by the popular V-not-V form in more than one major group of dialects or better termed as more than one major Sinitic languages, it is necessary to trace such a change wherever possible, so as to affirm whether VP-neg is the native form for the languages and dialects involved. The present paper focuses on the case of Min.

論文分三章,本文是第二章,論述三種中性問句之一的謂語+否定詞式在閩語裏共時歷時的類型布局。從觀察十六世紀以來的文獻以及十九世紀以至現代方言的發展模式,認爲閩語的本土型是謂語+否定詞式。他如正反問及各種混合型乃是不同時地語言接觸後累積在不同層次的產物。

Beáta Gyuris

Abstract

The aim of this paper is to provide new insights for the analysis of bias in polar questions by showing that the distinction proposed by Sudo (2013) between evidential and epistemic biases leads to an integrated picture of the Hungarian system of polar interrogatives. For the first time, a comprehensive analysis of this system is given here and it is shown how the contributions of certain formal features, such as the interrogative and the negative particles, can be captured independently. This perspective helps to explain restrictions on the occurrences of the different forms of polar interrogatives in Hungarian with respect to a large number of question uses. The paper derives the biases associated with the individual constituents from different sources and makes some proposals on how their impact could be incorporated into a formal model of dialogue.

The Attic particle μήν

Intersubjectivity, contrast and polysemy

Kees Thijs

The paper examines the various usages of the Attic particle μήν and proposes a unified analysis of its main function. I argue that the prevalent analysis of Wakker (1997) needs some important reconsideration when instances of μήν in Platonic dialogue are concerned. First, the particle can target not only the propositional content of a discourse act, but also its illocution (felicity conditions). Second, I propose ‘countering expectations or assumptions of the addressee’ as the basic value of the particle. Functions in terms of commitment are better seen as secondary side effects. Third, I argue that differences in the origin of the countered assumptions or expectations are a natural basis for distinguishing between attitudinal μήν (extra-linguistic context and/or previous words of the addressee) and discourse connective μήν (previous words of the same speaker). It follows from my analysis that strict categorical boundaries between these usages are not to be expected.