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Dániel Balogh

Abstract

Located in Vidisha District, Madhya Pradesh, the area of Badoh-Pathari is home to a rock shelter with a sculpted panel depicting seven mother goddesses. A weathered inscription next to the sculptures was reported as early as 1926. The inscription is dateable to the fifth century on the basis of its palaeography and the art-historical dating of the site. Though partly effaced beyond hope of decipherment, roughly half of the text can be read with confidence, while some of the rest may be restored conjecturally, and some speculatively. The epigraph pays homage to Rudra and Skanda in addition to the Mothers themselves, and is thus a key resource concerning mātṛ worship in the Gupta period. It mentions the otherwise unknown local ruler Jayatsena of Avamukta (a region also named in the Allahabad pillar inscription), and may refer to the reign of Kumāragupta (I).

Appendix I

Board of Directors and Officers of the Li Fang-Kuei Society for Chinese Linguistics

Appendix II

Four Awards of the Li Fang-Kuei Society for Chinese Linguistics

Appendix III

Exceptional Service Award / 特殊服務貢獻獎

Appendix IV

Letter from the lfks to the Public

Appendix v

Donors to the Li Fang-Kuei Society Endowment Fund

Zhang Ying

Compared with prototypical universal quantifiers in other languages of the world, dou in Mandarin Chinese presents more complicated semantic behaviors. One of the most disputed issues is what are the relations between dou expressing “universal quantification” (uq) and dou expressing “scalar trigger” (sca). First-hand data that comes from 40 languages demonstrates that Mandarin Chinese is the only language that employs the same form for “universal quantification” and “scalar trigger”. The empirical evidence strongly suggests that uq dou and sca dou are different, and the two functions uq and sca lack universal conceptual correlations. The special polysemous behavior of Mandarin dou, is proved to come from two language-specific reanalysis processes in dou’s diachronic development which also supports the two-dou claim. The study thus instantiates how a cross-linguistic perspective provides insights to explain long-standing language-particular issues. Besides, it is also argued that the cross-linguistic approach is promising in predicting if a future research is on a right track as it can steer us through overgeneralization and undergeneralization.

Hsiu-fang Yang

This paper proposes the following points: (1) Apart from changing word classes—a function much discussed in the literature—derivational morphology in Chinese may have been used to distinguish phrasal differences on a level below sentence structure, such as the distinction between direct vs. indirect objects, adjectival vs. adverbial modifiers, as well as various types of causative constructions. (2) As a grammatical domain of morphology and on account of the differing perspectives related to it, “cognition” leads to the development of inward/outward, downward/upward, exocentric/endocentric, inchoative/non-inchoative and similar distinctions. (3) While many cases of derivational morphology display contrasts of meaning by means of phonetic alternations, the reverse type of displaying contrasts in meaning not through phonetic contrasts (i.e. by zero-contrasts as a means of derivation) also exists. (4) At different historical stages or in areal varieties, Chinese has used derivational morphology to mark parts of speech or specific meanings. (1) to (3) above reflect the diversified nature of the derivational morphology in Chinese, while (4) reflects its multilayered-ness.

Rui-wen Wu

This paper analyses the different phonological strata of first division unrounded finals of the Xiè Rhyme Group (蟹攝),specifically the Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme, in the finals system of proto-Min and explores the distinction between double rhymes in old Jiangdong dialects. Norman (1981) reconstructed five finals for Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme. They are:

*əi for Xai 菜

*oi for Xai 袋

*ɑi for Tài 帶

*uəi for Xai 改

*yəi for Xai 開

According to Norman’s reconstruction, there are four finals for the Xai rhyme but there is only one final for the Tài rhyme. Therefore, some issues need to be clarified. To begin with, what is the time sequence of those four forms of Xai? Additionally, three forms are reconstructed by one cognate in proto-Min. It is highly doubtful to regard those forms as a single stratum individually. Furthermore, the double rhymes, Xai and Tài, could be distinct in the Qieyun system but merged in most modern Chinese dialects. However, some southern dialects retain the distinction (refer to Cao et al. 2000, Wang 2004 and Wu 2005). How is the distinction of double rhymes expressed in proto-Min? It is worth examining those questions in depth.

The methodology of this paper is the comparative method. We would like to expand Min dialectal material and find more reliable cognates to reexamine Norman’s finals of Xai and Tài. From the perspective of historical development, proto-Min has several different phonological strata. After thoughtful and cautious analysis, those strata could be an important reference for the reconstruction of both Middle Chinese and Old Chinese. An important aim of this paper is to reconstruct the Jiangdong dialect, a southern Chinese dialect used in the Six Dynasties period, using proto-Min and related common dialect systems.

In conclusion: 1. both Xai and Tài could be reconstructed as two forms in the finals system of Proto-Min. In brief, *-əi and *-oi are for Xai; *-ɑi and *-ai are for Tài. 2. from a diachronic development viewpoint,the pattern *-oi: *-ai reveals the distinction of Xai and Tài, i.e. double rhyme, in the Six Dynasties Jiangdong dialect. 3. Relatedly, the pattern *-əi: *-ɑi could be traced to differences between the Zhi group (之部) and Jì group (祭部) in Old Chinese.