This article defends Aristotle’s core argument for the naturalness of the city by offering a reconstruction of the connection and a demonstration of the consistency between this argument and its metaphysical foundation. The author argues that the city is natural in a strictly Aristotelian sense since its moving and final causes are intertwined in man’s evolving desire for good life and its historical satisfaction.
In this paper the author deals with Sophocles’ Antigone 2-6 suggesting two slight changes in Ant. 3 (ὁµοῖον pro ὁποῖον) and Ant. 4 (οὖσ᾽ ἄτης ἄτερ pro οὔτ᾽ ἄτης ἄτερ) and he argues in defence of the transmitted words ἄτης ἄτερ. He also discusses Earle’s interpretation of τῶν ἀπ᾽ Οἰδίπου (l. 2) and the translation of νῷν ἔτι ζώσαιν τελεῖ (l. 3).
In addition, he points out the exact attribution of some conjectures.
The story of the astrologer Ascletario is introduced by Suetonius as the last item in a series of portents and predictions presaging Domitian’s violent death. This paper gives an analysis of this episode, discussed in the wider context of the catalogue of portents in Dom. 15.2-3 and, indeed, of the whole death narrative of the biography. A comparison to the parallel story in Cassius Dio (67.16.3) reveals important differences between the two authors; it is argued that Suetonius is closer to the original version of the anecdote and that Dio may have been influenced by Herodotus’ story of Croesus on the pyre. It is also argued that Suetonius expects his readers to connect the Ascletario episode with another Flavian portent, reported at Ves. 7.4 (dogs are prominent in both). Two other ‘canine’ passages of the Domitian, 10.1 and 23.1, are briefly discussed. The proposed analysis supports the view of Suetonius as an author who carefully structured his biographical rubrics and invited his readers to make connections within both a single biography and wider textual units.
That the great cultures of the Near East influenced Mycenaean and Archaic Greek culture has been amply demonstrated by the archaeological record. But did this influence extend to Greek literature? And was it recognized by the ancient Greeks themselves? In this paper I answer these two questions in the affirmative after examining two passages from Homer’s Iliad: Hera’s identification of Oceanus and Tethys as the parents of the gods (14.201) and Poseidon’s account of the division of the world through lot (15.189-193).The analysis of these passages is preceded by a methodological section on how literary parallels between these cultures can be evaluated.
I provide the first study of an extended Arabic quotation from Plato’s Phaedo preserved in a work of medical ethics by the ninth-century physician al-Ruhāwī. This quotation, I argue, is valuable both for its antiquity (its Vorlage likely predated all extant non-papyri witnesses to the Phaedo) and for the text that it transmits. Through an analysis of seven readings transmitted in the quotation, I conclude that the Arabic version is of significant textual value. A valuable new witness to the late antique, Neoplatonic tradition of Plato, it presents a plausible and unique set of variants and confirms that the tradition had been extensively contaminated even before the production of the earliest extant codices.
Taking a cue from the interpretive difficulties faced by Socrates and his interlocutors in Plato’s Theaetetus as they struggle to determine the meaning of Protagoras’ homo-mensura doctrine (HM), I argue that Protagoras, or early Protagoreans, used HM to speak on the relativity of literary criticism. For evidence I adduce an overlooked passage of the anonymous Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi, which contains an ethical formulation of HM. This formulation of HM, compatible with the portrait of Protagoras from Theaetetus, explains the concern for literary interpretation latent in two sections of the Certamen. From the evidence in the Certamen, we may infer that HM was directly related to Protagorean education in civic virtue, part of which included a study of how to read and listen to texts.