Robert Fisher, a famous American sociologist, a professor of social work at the University of Connecticut and an enthusiastic participant in the neighborhood movement, has engaged in social work for a long time. Let the People Decide: Neighborhood Organizing in America is a revision of its first edition published in 1984. The author summarizes the developmental process and the basic approaches of neighborhood organizing from the end of the 19th century to the 1990s, and proposes, from a left-wing perspective, that this movement can be revived only when the idealism of the 1960s is injected into the realism of the 1980s and the 1990s. A masterpiece examining the United States from the perspective of actions of the lower class and scrutinizing the actions of the lower class against the backdrops of the United States, this work is of a global significance and contemporary value, and also provokes useful thinking and inspiration for Chinese scholars to pay more attention to and conduct in-depth research on social movements.
The state, the market, the family and social organizations play exchangeable and mutually complimentary roles in provision of social welfare to children. The Buddhist charities play an increasingly important role in offering social protection to the children in plight, from ensuring the basic livelihood for the children and meeting the children’s need for development to guaranteeing the children social security and encouraging and facilitating the children’s social engagement. Due to the constraints of charity systems, the stereotypical impression about religions and the defects in the internal governance structure of the Buddhist charities, such charities face a host of problems in joining in the endeavor to protect the children in plight, such as the failure to get registered in a timely and legal manner, their marginal existence leading to inadequate protection to the children in plight and the distortion of their organization culture. This article, based on a case study of Hongde Homeland offering aid to the orphans in poverty-stricken mountainous areas, explores the background and strategy for the Buddhist charities to protect the children in plight and makes policy proposals on the appropriate ways to offer the children in plight religious welfare as a part of social protection.
China’s new Charity Law represents the culmination of over a decade of planning for the appropriate development of the productive forces of the charity sector in aid of socialist modernization. Together with the related Foreign ngo Management Law, it represents an important advance in the organization of the civil society sector within emerging structures of Socialist Rule of Law principles. While both Charity and Foreign ngo Management Laws could profitably be considered as parts of a whole, each merits discussion for its own unique contribution to national development. Moreover, while analysis tends to focus on legal conformity of the Charity Law to the state constitution, little work has been done to analyze the relationship of the Charity Law to the political constitution of China. This essay seeks to fill that gap by considering the role of the Charity Law through the lens of the Constitution of the Communist Party of China. More specifically, the essay examines the extent to which the provisions of the Charity Law, and its underlying policies, contribute to the implementation and realization of the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) Basic Line and in the context of the overall political policy of “socialist modernization which has served as the core of the political line of the ccp since the last decades of the 20th century. The essay is organized as follows: Section ii considers the specific provisions of the Charity Law, with some reference to changes between the first draft and the final version of the Charity Law. Section iii then considers some of the more theoretical considerations that suggest a framework for understanding the great contribution of the Charity Law as well as the challenges that remain for the development of the productive forces of the civil society sector at this historical stage of China’s development.
In recent years, the central government encourages local governments to innovate the system for social organization management propitious to the development of social organizations, but social organizations are double-edged, which can both alleviate the social management pressure of local governments and challenge their authority. Therefore, local governments have to implement the strategy of differential control for managing social organizations. The theory of differential control is an important paradigm for explaining the government-society relationship in China, as it provides a theoretical framework for understanding local governments’ behavioral logic of developing social organizations, but local governments’ specific application and change of the strategy about differential control still need to be further explored. Based on the above observation, by collecting the panel data of 312 prefecture-level cities of China in 2008-2014, we have discovered that local governments, on the whole, have adopted the development strategy of “developing quantity and restraining capability.” They give priority to developing social organizations promoting economic development and social service, but implement strict control over environmental, legal, and international foreign-related organizations affecting the realization of economic goals or political stability. With a more developed economy and better fiscal revenues, a more lenient environment is given to social organizations by local governments, and social organizations are more developed. But the control over environmental social organizations does not change with the changes of economic development or fiscal revenues. This study not only expands the theory of differential control and provides a new understanding of the relations between government and social organizations, but also reveals local governments’ behavioral logic of developing social organizations, which also provides a new perspective for understanding local governments’ behaviors in developing social organizations.
The current studies about the transformation of government-organized foundation (go-foundation) usually focus on “de-administration.” Basing on new institutionalism and resource dependence theory, the study adds substantive rationality to explain go-foundation transformation in China, and chooses 4 typical cases in Lushan earthquake relief in 2013. The study finds that, the go-foundation goes towards two different directions during transformation: one is resource-oriented marketization and the other is value-oriented socialization. Different from enterprises, the influencing factors of foundation transformation not only include the institution system and resources but also inherent philanthropic value.
Amid the increasing diversification of social development, the services provided by the government hardly satisfy all sorts of needs. The establishment of non-profit organizations (npos) timely addresses the government’s deficiency in handling public affairs. As a result, the npos almost turn into private enterprises and social enterprises aim to deliver public benefits, which has aroused disputes and doubts like “mission drift” and “for-profits in disguise.” This article adopts Suchman’s pragmatic, moral and cognitive legitimacy analysis to reexamine the work integration social enterprises (WISEs) which enable the disadvantaged or those with disabilities to join in the labor market after training, coaching and professional practice. Based on literature review and in-depth interview, this article makes a case study of CANYOU, an exemplary social enterprise set by persons with disabilities by leveraging advanced technologies.
Public fundraising system is a key element in the construction of modern philanthropic system. The Charity Law of the People’s Republic of China officially establishes the management mode that combines administrative licensing of public fundraising qualification and registration of fundraising proposals. How this management mode will affect the “ecology” of philanthropy after the Charity Law takes effect is an issue worth close attention. Taking the practices of Guangzhou, the earliest explorer in fundraising system reform and relaxation of public fundraising restrictions, as example, this paper analyzes the influences of relaxing public fundraising restrictions on public fundraising monopoly, reform of government-run charitable organizations, resource structure of non-profit organizations and the construction of philanthropic supervision system and accordingly, proposes recommendations on the implementation of public fundraising system.
Religious philanthropy is now in a new age. In 2012, the State Bureau of Religious Affairs and other 5 state agencies published a document to encourage and regulate religious philanthropic activities. It means that the central government’s new religious policy is to cultivate religious philanthropy. However, many religious groups, since their engagement in philanthropy, have encountered a series of problems, such as the immaturity of theory, the inefficiency of resource use and search, the shortage of organizations and staff with experience, and the unclear division between serving and preaching. Even if the religious environment in Taiwan is different from that in Mainland, the success of the waste sorting and recycling program of Tzu Chi, the largest Humanistic Buddhist group in Taiwan, still brings some valuable experience to religious groups doing philanthropy in Mainland. First, Tzu Chi’s leader, Cheng Yen, was good at linking Buddha’s teachings with recognized environmental issues. Her style of speech might be learned by other religious leaders who intend to generate philanthropic discourses. Second, Tzu Chi’s waste sorting and recycling program always made use of contingent opportunities and resources outside it to develop itself. This way of expansion should be noted by religious groups that want to establish philanthropic organizations. Third, the division of labor among Tzu Chi’s leader, volunteers, and professionals and their high level of autonomy could be taken by other religious philanthropic organizations. Finally, Tzu Chi’s religious philanthropic practices prioritize public interests and set an example for the separation between serving and preaching.