Browse results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 1,408 items for :

  • Modern History x
  • Upcoming Publications x
  • Upcoming Publications x
  • Just Published x
  • Nach Zugangsart einschränken: Open Access x
  • Nach Ebene eingrenzen: All x
Clear All
Author:
For more than four and a half centuries, the Jesuits in Hungary were forced to repeatedly recommence their activities due to wars, uprisings, and political conflicts. The Society of Jesus first settled in Hungary in 1561 during the period of Ottoman conquest. Despite their difficulties in a war-torn country, a network of Jesuit colleges was established as part of the Austrian Province, and the eighteenth century was a period of cultural and scientific prosperity for the Jesuits in Hungary. The Suppression of 1773, however, abruptly suspended this tradition for eighty years. After they resettled in Hungary in 1853, the Jesuits searched for new ways of apostolic work. The independent Hungarian Jesuit Province was established in 1909. The totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century posed fresh challenges. During the Communist period, the Hungarian Jesuit Province was forced to split up into two sections. The Jesuits in exile and those who remained in Hungary were reunited in 1990.
German Constructions of Biblical Law, 1750–1930
A historic lawgiver and founder of an ancient nation, Moses was powerful and pivotal in the imagination of modern Germany. The late eighteenth to early twentieth century was an intense period of religious controversy, especially on 'the Jewish question', with new models for understanding faith, science, and the past. This volume focuses on the identification of Jewish law, both Pentateuch and Talmud, with the figure of Moses to trace the fascinations and anxieties of the Bible in modern culture. Through diverse perspectives, it examines the representations and appropriations of Moses as a father of Judaism and framer of European civilization.
Author:

Abstract

During the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), many conservatives and fascists in Western Europe supported the Francoist rebels. This paper will outline how conservatives and fascists in Great Britain, France, and Belgium worked together to support the rebellion in Spain. Regarding Great Britain, the pressure group Friends of Nationalist Spain (FNS) will be studied, while for France and Belgium several different groups and individuals will be examined. In all countries, these networks were managed by the Francoist Ambassadors. This paper sheds light on an extensive pro-Francoist network that operated across Western Europe in which conservatives and fascists worked side-by-side. Their cooperation was facilitated by a shared anti-communism and the use of common structures, such as conservative parties. It draws from sources located in archives in Spain, Great Britain, France, and Belgium and includes publications written by the individuals who were involved in this network.

Open Access
In: Fascism
Author:

Abstract

Regimes in the interwar years went to great lengths to educate young girls into their ideology. Fascist Italy had a few years head start—its Accademia fascista di educazione fisica femminile [Fascist Academy of Female Physical Education] was regarded as innovative from likeminded governments of the time, including Nazi Germany, and was the object of visits and attention. This article explores the arc drawn by relationships between Italian and German girl organizations, focusing on encounters between Orvietine and Bund Deutscher Mädel (BDM) members. It focuses on two exemplary moments in the history of the network: the 1937 trip to Berlin by 150 students of the Orvieto Academy, and the one-month observation visit in winter 1941 by Ursel Stein, a rising star of the BDM administration. By analyzing and comparing the dynamics, rituals, and actors of the two occasions the article points out at the different roles given to girl organizations by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy and raises questions concerning the agency of the members of this women network.

Open Access
In: Fascism

Abstract

Arising from a 2021 early career workshop on practices and notions of fascist internationalism, this special issue contributes to the evolving focus on transnational and international dimensions within the field of fascism studies. It emphasizes the interconnectedness of fascist governments, movements, and individuals across borders during the interwar period and during the Second World War, as well as the conflictual aspects of such cooperation. Rather than promoting a specific methodological or theoretical approach, the issue presents different perspectives on transnational fascism and fascist internationalisms. This introduction highlights five aspects on which the contributions make interventions: actors, women, organizations, geography, and hybridity.

Open Access
In: Fascism
Author:

Abstract

The article argues that contact between the German, Austrian, and Italian radical nationalist milieux through the long 1920s represented a specific form of fascist relationship-building which should be understood in terms of fascist transnationalism: a cross-border networking process that took place against the backdrop of fluid, evolving social relationships. Starting from the analysis of the mutual exclusiveness of radical nationalist mobilizations, the article highlights the analytical limits of the concept ‘internationalism’ when applied to early fascist relationships that developed in transnational, informal settings. Then, it makes an argument for a processual approach based on the observation of relational practices, while sketching out the peculiarities of these milieux. Accordingly, it outlines the development of the trilateral networking process between German, Austrian, and Italian organizations (Stahlhelm, DNVP, NSDAP, Heimwehren, and PNF) along its different stages. Finally, it offers an outlook on the key features of fascist transnationalism grounded in the historical analysis of this specific triangular case study.

Open Access
In: Fascism
Author:

Abstract

Years before the Second World War, there emerged an Austrofascist Ständestaat [Corporatist State] to the south of Nazi Germany. This Ständestaat would be subsumed into Germany during the Anschluss of 1938. Subsumption of Austrofascism into Nazism has also occurred in understandings of fascism. This article centers two paramilitary organizations—an Austrian Nazi Legion based in Bavaria and the Austrian-based Heimwehren [Home Guards]—to argue that German-speaking fascists functioned via internecine violence over Austria’s sovereignty. Fighting between the Heimwehren and Austrian Nazi Legionaries based in Bavaria culminated in a quasi-war across the Austro-Bavarian border, studied here from 1933 to 1934. This article showcases how fascist obsessions with total control came with an uncontrollable need for conflict over this contested borderland space. This tension undermined their claims of supremacy yet undergirded their supporters to fight harder against, ironically, other German-speaking fascists. As such, division was critical to their very formation. By taking this granular perspective, we acquire a better understanding of the convoluted history prior to the notorious Anschluss.

Open Access
In: Fascism
Author:

Abstract

This article highlights the intellectual trajectory of the Spanish writer Ernesto Gimenez Caballero (1899–1988) as mediator of fascist internationalism during the 1930s. Caballero, a writer and journalists, was known in Italy thanks to important friendships with leading intellectual, diplomatic and political figures of the Fascist regime. His theory of fascist universalism, presented at the Volta Conference of 1932, identified fascism as the true, unifying principle of Europe. He regarded fascism as ‘the new Catholicity’ of Europe. Inspired by ‘the thaumaturgic genius’ of Mussolini, Caballero pointed out that the center of this new Europe was Rome, which he considered had been reborn with the glories of the ancient times after a long period of uncertainty. The article will explore the key features of Caballero’s idea and their origins within his intellectual biography, stressing the role of personal and transnational networking in the construction of his vision.

Open Access
In: Fascism

Abstract

Attempts to get control over the Russian Central Bank are often seen as a key driver of the conflict between the Supreme Soviet and the Russian government in 1993. We argue here that the bank and its leadership were not only an instrument of other power centers but should be considered as active and fairly independent political players with their own interests, stakes, and strategies. In the struggle over monetary policy in the early years of the newly founded Russian Federation, inherited Soviet networks of power were more decisive than legal competences on paper. To the extent that ideas played a role at all in these transitional power struggles, their distinction was not between neoliberal shock therapy and social democratic gradualism, but between different notions of the future realm of Moscow’s financial power. Our paper is based on an assessment of biographical literatures and legal texts as well as a survey of the scholarly literature in economics and history. It shows how, in a phase of post-imperial institutional reconfiguration, different groups of the former Soviet elite competed to preserve their status in the emerging Russian nation state.

Open Access
In: Russian History