The origin of Attic reduplication (AR) in Greek, the phenomenon whereby roots beginning with VC- sequences copy the entire sequence in reduplication, is poorly understood. Contrary to the usual approach, which starts from the perfects of roots beginning with *HC- clusters (e.g., ἐλυθ- ‘go out’ < *h1ludh-; perf. ἐλήλ(ο)υθα < *h1leh1l(ó)udh-?), it is argued here that AR began in the reduplicated aorist, where intensive reduplication was a shared innovation with Armenian (Gk. inf. ἀραρεῖν ‘fit together’ = Arm. 3 sg. arar ‘made’ < *h2er-h2r-e/o-). From here AR spread first to the weak forms of the perfect, leaving relic forms like the feminine participle ἀρᾰρυῖα, and then to the perfect paradigm more generally. The historical origin of AR was thus quite different from what might have been supposed from its descriptive profile in a synchronic grammar—a point to which a final discussion is devoted.
Derivational morphology is an umbrella term used for concatenative and non-concatenative processes for the formation of new lexemes. In Modern Greek, derivational morphology is one of the major morphological processes along with compounding and inflection. In recent years, research on derivational morphology has evolved rapidly. We present here the state-of-the-art on the recent advances in the derivational morphology of Modern Greek. First, we present affixational derivation by focusing on the main features of the derivational affixes used in Modern Greek and then we present the non-concatenative derivational processes. We also discuss the main theoretical issues related to derivational morphology, that is, constraints, competition and productivity of derivational patterns, and the main theoretical approaches to Modern Greek derivational structures. Finally, we present some general themes of derivational morphology, including the relationship between derivation and other morphological processes and the role of derivational morphology in scientific terminology, language teaching/lexicography and psycholinguistics. We aim to contribute to better understanding of how morphology works by highlighting the potential of research on derivational morphology in Modern Greek.
Support-verb constructions are combinations of a verb and a noun that act as the predicate, as ‘made the suggestion’ in I made the suggestion that she join. They are frequent, variable, and ambiguous across texts, as well as language-specific in their lexical and syntactic properties. The article examines patterns of negation with δίκην δίδωμι ‘to pay the price for one’s actions’, ὅπλα ἔχω ‘to be armed’, and συμμαχίαν ποιέομαι ‘to ally up’ in classical literary Attic. Syntactically and lexically, support-verb constructions can behave like a word or like a syntagm. A word does not have an internal syntax but only an external one; a syntagm has an internal syntax. Negation in support-verb constructions can be achieved either morpho-syntactically or lexically as long as the syntagm character has not faded. Morpho-syntactically, support-verb constructions can be negated by drawing on their external or their internal syntax. Lexical negation can be achieved by means of negative verbs of realisation indicating a zero-degree of multiplication. If available for a support-verb construction, lexical negation appears to add a nuance of intensity; morpho-syntactic negation appears primarily in contrastive contexts.
The present work looks at the term ksénos as an access point to the enacted model of hospitality—ksenía—in ancient Greece. It deduces the onomasiological and semasiological spread of the term across the model’s participants, namely GUEST, STRANGER but also HOST, into a schematic prototypical core within a complex and dynamic conceptual integration model. Along the spatial continuum of DISTANCE-APPROACHING-PROXIMITY, the analysis looks into APPROACHING as an emergent space, where GIFT-EXCHANGE is interpreted as a process of mental-space shift on the part of a stable SELF confronting the incoming OTHER. POSSESSIONS EXCHANGE conceptualised as non-commodifiable and non-alienable to the giver activates the metaphorical relation HAVE as BE. Thus, the abrupt confrontation is accommodated as an ad hoc partial substitutability of each participant’s identity by the identity of the other. Some Proto-Indo-European etymologies proposed in literature for the term are reviewed, and their compatibility with the present analysis is evaluated.
Many adjectives in Modern Greek form both synthetic and analytic comparatives and relative superlatives. To our knowledge, this is the first work to examine the triggers of the Synthetic-Analytic (S-A) variation in this language by means of a corpus study. To date, numerous studies have shown that a series of predictors (phonological, lexical, syntactic) appear to influence the S-A variation in English. The present paper focuses on some factors mentioned in the existing literature (e.g., frequency, number of syllables, syntactic position etc.) alongside Text Type, which is explicitly used as a predictor for the first time. Overall, our results suggest that 1) the S-A variation seems to be influenced by similar predictors cross-linguistically and 2) comparatives and relative superlatives show a partially different picture in Modern Greek, as is also the case in English (Cheung & Zhang 2016).
The article introduces the historical context of multilingual comedy by Greek writers of the early 19th century in Asia Minor, then an Ottoman realm. The author analyzes two passages from Erotomaniac Chatziaslanis and Monsieur Kozis containing Modern Greek dialects, Karamanlidika, Judeo-Spanish, Judeo-Turkish, and Judeo-Greek. The analysis shows that Jewish characters prefer to communicate in Judeo-Turkish. Both plays actively utilize (Jewish and non-Jewish) linguistic varieties for stereotyping and comedic purposes.
The paper offers a synchronic and diachronic account of markedness of the oppositional tense-aspect stems in Classical Armenian. The synchronic part explores the correspondence between markedness and productivity of verb classes as attested in the Armenian Bible translation, as well as the correspondence between markedness and token frequency of a selection of fifty most frequent verbs in the same text. The default pattern, characterized by an unmarked present and marked aorist stems, constitutes some two-thirds of the entire dataset but is less common in the most frequent verbs. By contrast, the two patterns with the unmarked aorist are significantly better represented and the token frequency of their aorist stems is typically higher for such verbs. This evidence is discussed in the context of a typological generalization predicting the lower markedness of more frequently used forms. An outlook on the historical grammar of Classical Armenian suggests that the attested system reflects a transition from aspect- to tense-oriented marking of stems.