In this article, we will compare Marseille and Milan, as well as the social (and digital) practices of young people living in two neighbourhoods: LaFab in the third district—one of the poorest areas of the French city—and San Siro—one of the largest social housing areas of the Italian one. These young people were born in France and Italy, but their parents are mostly of African origins. This comparative analysis is carried out at three interdependent levels: the youth policies, the ethnographic study of young people practices, and the imaginaries they (re)create. In conclusion, we will show how social exclusion intersects with spatial marginalisation and how, in the two cities, groups of young people (through music production, ngo projects, or illicit drug-trafficking networks) have developed glocally-oriented strategies to create self-determination and creativity spaces as an alternative to such structural obstacles.
In Algeria, the informal dynamic experienced by the gold sector since the 1980s was accompanied by the creation of informal trading spaces, the most important of which are in Algiers and Oran. These markets play the role of intermediary between the various actors in the informal gold sector, in particular transnational networks for the supply and marketing of the precious metal. The latter is part of this non-hegemonic economic globalization which relies on adventurers of the new market capitalism. Its network spans from Italy, Dubai to Turkey, in particular the Grand Bazaar in Istanbul. These transnational networks do not only concern the import of jewelry for consumption, but also the smuggling of gold from Algeria and this is also the case for used gold. In the paper we try to come back to the experiences of informal gold sellers in these transnational precious metal networks.
This paper analyses the recent evolution of transnational youth street groups in the cities of Barcelona and Madrid (Spain) in the last two decades, with special focus in the Latin Kings and Queens group and based on the definitions and uses of the terms borders, peripheries and mediation. Our data presents part of the preliminary ethnographic results of the research carried on from 2019 until mid-2021 and focuses on the comparison of the current situation of the groups in both cities, attending to factors as internal structure, link to the territory and their position in the social space. In order to do this, we pay attention to the differences in the groups and the mediation processes in which they are implied, either internal or external, considering the possibilities of both natural and formal mediation.
This paper aims to present groups, cultures and scenes next to or emerged from the private creations handed by the urban music producers in the city of Santiago de Cuba. This is an ambitious objective, due to the several manifestations entailed to the polyhedral sphere of producers and consumers of urban music, for instance, the rap-reggae scene, the Rastafari culture or the “reggaetonera” music culture. Despite of the protagonists of these expressions are alike in the point that their practices are relatively independent of the state management, their different tastes, objectives and cultural capitals allow them to take distance of each other.
Street youth groups (syg) in Morocco represent underground urban counterculture where “class conflict” is being fed by lack of opportunities to climb the social ladder. Indefinable and tormenting globalization (Montgomery, 2019; ) has psychologically and socially transformed youth into social “victims”/dreamers of a “modern” wellbeing. Social inequalities exacerbated by covid-19 pandemic produced new precarious youths at the margins of “patronaged” neoliberal policies implemented for buying social peace policies. In this context, this paper is based on an ethnographic research with “Tcharmil” Street youth in the neighborhood of Sidi Moussa in Sale, twin city of the Capital Rabat known for urban violence in substandard housing. In this paper, I argue that these “Mcharmlin” youth are resisting marginalization through invading streets and imposing their “subculture” as a “non-movement” (Bayat, 2013) against inequalities. These humans of Sidi Moussa who are young and poor, facing the Atlantic and far from the Capital about 30 minutes behind walled ancient city of Sale of Corsairs, dreaming of a stable life, job and respect from society, living in “Zanqa 0”. Youth refusing nothingness are invading streets which do not have even a name as all streets are numbered from 0 to 14. each narrow street faces the Atlantic either you escape, or you get stuck if you turn your back on the Atlantic.
This article is focused on two local participation initiatives in North America and Europe. The Youth Services Cooperatives, summer organizations created by teenagers in Quebec, have been adopted in France since 2013, with the support of local institutions responsible for organising youth policies in the Brittany region (France). The other initiative, youth dialogue exchanges organised by young people, was established in Italy, the United Kingdom, and France. This European scheme aimed to create new ways of thinking about cultural policies for young people at local level. Conceptually, this work is based on actor-network theory () and the transnationalisation of public policies () applied to youth policies (), with a view to understanding how organisations working across different countries adapt certain international initiatives between different local contexts. The research is based on fieldwork. Interviews were conducted with young people, youth workers, and decision makers in France and Quebec. In Italy and in the UK, informal discussions and interviews with decision makers were carried out, and observations were made during activities led by young people. The analysis demonstrates that the circulation of participation initiatives is strongly dependent on the original context, especially with regard to the organisation of youth policies. Some characteristics of the initiative, for example the model of community organisation, are difficult to transfer to a country where public policies are centred around public institutions. Because of the absence of international actors who would be able to facilitate links between the organizations involved in these projects, local youth workers have taken on the role of international mediators between the original project and the new initiative in the destination context. These experiences are of interest for understanding how young people can have a fundamental role in implementing new participation initiatives, and have an impact on the definition and implementation of youth policies.
In Germany, social investment can be crucial for disadvantaged young adults, as intergenerational mobility is low and credentials are decisive for employment. However, the literature on policy implementation calls attention to ‘Matthew effects’, by which the most disadvantaged often have the least access to social investment. We contribute to ongoing research on Matthew effects by examining whether the worst-off among young German welfare recipients are assigned to active labour market policy measures that are more advantageous or less advantageous. Findings for a register sample of 20–22 year olds in 2014 support hypotheses that those with the lowest education and employment experience participate less often in the most advantageous measures; particularly in firm-based upskilling and employment assistance, and more often in measures that proved to be not as beneficial, such as workfare programmes. On a positive note, welfare experience during adolescence as an indicator of low socio-economic status in the family of origin does not additionally affect access to social investment policy measures.