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The Case of Public Housing
The Cultural Political Economy of the Construction Industry in Turkey analyses the growth of the popularity of the ‘Justice and Development Party’ (official acronym: AK Parti or AKP) of Turkey’s president Erdogan, through the lens of the construction sector. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the question of hegemony and the electoral success of the AKP – despite frequent economic downturns and ferocious political conflicts including a coup d’état attempt and rekindled armed struggles. In this book, Ismail Doga Karatepe critically examines the AKP’s ability to satisfy the needs and wishes of different social classes and groups. By taking the construction sector as an example, the book analyses these in the context of the changes in the urban landscape of modern Turkey.
The Case of Public Housing
The Cultural Political Economy of the Construction Industry in Turkey analyses the growth of the popularity of the ‘Justice and Development Party’ (official acronym: AK Parti or AKP) of Turkey’s president Erdogan, through the lens of the construction sector. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the question of hegemony and the electoral success of the AKP – despite frequent economic downturns and ferocious political conflicts including a coup d’état attempt and rekindled armed struggles. In this book, Ismail Doga Karatepe critically examines the AKP’s ability to satisfy the needs and wishes of different social classes and groups. By taking the construction sector as an example, the book analyses these in the context of the changes in the urban landscape of modern Turkey.
The fourth in this series, the Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World (CAIW), this title draws on the resources of Cambridge-based World of Information, which since 1975 has followed the politics and economics of the region. Qatar’s documented history begins in the mid-19th Century. Its location established it as having close, if differing links to Bahrain, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
Notionally under Ottoman rule, Qatar did not become a de facto protectorate of Great Britain until some time after the end of the Ottoman empire. The discovery of oil in Qatar happened later than was the case with its neighbours. However, the discovery of substantial oil deposits, and later of enormous gas reserves changed Qatar beyond recognition, allowing it to claim in the 1980s that its inhabitants were the richest people on earth. Still a semi-feudal monarchy, it gained full independence in 1971 but was initially considered to be the least developed state in the Gulf. By the 21st century many close neighbours felt that in a number of respects Qatar was becoming an unreliable partner. To the extent that in 2017 a number of its fellow Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members, as well as other states – notably Egypt - broke off diplomatic relations.
Notionally under Ottoman rule, Qatar did not become a de facto protectorate of Great Britain until some time after the end of the Ottoman empire. The discovery of oil in Qatar happened later than was the case with its neighbours. However, the discovery of substantial oil deposits, and later of enormous gas reserves changed Qatar beyond recognition, allowing it to claim in the 1980s that its inhabitants were the richest people on earth. Still a semi-feudal monarchy, it gained full independence in 1971 but was initially considered to be the least developed state in the Gulf. By the 21st century many close neighbours felt that in a number of respects Qatar was becoming an unreliable partner. To the extent that in 2017 a number of its fellow Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members, as well as other states – notably Egypt - broke off diplomatic relations.
The fourth in this series, the Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World (CAIW), this title draws on the resources of Cambridge-based World of Information, which since 1975 has followed the politics and economics of the region. Qatar’s documented history begins in the mid-19th Century. Its location established it as having close, if differing links to Bahrain, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
Notionally under Ottoman rule, Qatar did not become a de facto protectorate of Great Britain until some time after the end of the Ottoman empire. The discovery of oil in Qatar happened later than was the case with its neighbours. However, the discovery of substantial oil deposits, and later of enormous gas reserves changed Qatar beyond recognition, allowing it to claim in the 1980s that its inhabitants were the richest people on earth. Still a semi-feudal monarchy, it gained full independence in 1971 but was initially considered to be the least developed state in the Gulf. By the 21st century many close neighbours felt that in a number of respects Qatar was becoming an unreliable partner. To the extent that in 2017 a number of its fellow Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members, as well as other states – notably Egypt - broke off diplomatic relations.
Notionally under Ottoman rule, Qatar did not become a de facto protectorate of Great Britain until some time after the end of the Ottoman empire. The discovery of oil in Qatar happened later than was the case with its neighbours. However, the discovery of substantial oil deposits, and later of enormous gas reserves changed Qatar beyond recognition, allowing it to claim in the 1980s that its inhabitants were the richest people on earth. Still a semi-feudal monarchy, it gained full independence in 1971 but was initially considered to be the least developed state in the Gulf. By the 21st century many close neighbours felt that in a number of respects Qatar was becoming an unreliable partner. To the extent that in 2017 a number of its fellow Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members, as well as other states – notably Egypt - broke off diplomatic relations.
In
Turkey: The Pendulum between Military Rule and Civilian Authoritarianism, Fatih Çağatay Cengiz explains Turkey’s trajectory of military and civilian authoritarianism while offering an alternative framework for understanding the Kemalist state and state-society relations. This book clearly captures the zeitgeist of the moment Turkey has passed/has been passing through: democratisation, authoritarianism, and the coup cycle. Moreover, the book not only focuses on Turkish domestic politics with regards to procedural democratisation and waves of authoritarianism under the Justice and Development Party (
Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), it also engages with Turkey’s recent foreign policy; policy that pushes Turkey to take an active role in the Syrian conflict through the concept of ‘Neo-Ottomanism’.
In
Turkey: The Pendulum between Military Rule and Civilian Authoritarianism, Fatih Çağatay Cengiz explains Turkey’s trajectory of military and civilian authoritarianism while offering an alternative framework for understanding the Kemalist state and state-society relations. This book clearly captures the zeitgeist of the moment Turkey has passed/has been passing through: democratisation, authoritarianism, and the coup cycle. Moreover, the book not only focuses on Turkish domestic politics with regards to procedural democratisation and waves of authoritarianism under the Justice and Development Party (
Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), it also engages with Turkey’s recent foreign policy; policy that pushes Turkey to take an active role in the Syrian conflict through the concept of ‘Neo-Ottomanism’.
Der Staat als Feind
With this work, Justyna Nedza presents the first comprehensive analysis of the theologically charged legal practice of “declaring someone an unbeliever” (
takfir) in militant Salafist thought. Her investigation zooms in on the role of
takfir in the formal legitimization of militant
jihad against government institutions. Investigating both the Egyptian and Saudi Arabian case, Nedza demonstrates the importance of the regional context in shaping consistent legal arguments for the legitimacy of
takfir of collectives. The careful analysis of the arguments of four selected militant Salafist authors brings out that this contextuality plays also a decisive role for the respective textual references, as well as shaping the conclusions drawn by the Egyptian and Saudi Arabian authors, respectively.
In dieser Arbeit präsentiert Justyna Nedza die erste umfassende Analyse der theologisch aufgeladenen Rechtspraxis des „Apostasievorwurfs“ ( takfīr) im Milieu des militanten „Salafismus“. Dabei liegt ein besonderer Fokus auf der rechtlichen Begründung von gewaltsamen Widerstand ( ǧihād) gegen staatliche Organe in muslimischen Mehrheitsgesellschaften, sowie die hiermit verbundene Ausweitung dieses Rechtsmittels vom Individuum auf Kollektive. Anhand der komparatistischen Untersuchung der Schriften von vier ausgewählten Autoren aus Ägypten und Saudi-Arabien zeigt Nedza, dass deren divergenter nationaler Kontext eine entscheidende Rolle sowohl für ihre jeweiligen textlichen Referenzrahmen als auch ihre entsprechenden Schlussfolgerungen spielt. Damit wird die bisher weithin akzeptierte These vom “Salafismus” als global einheitlichem Phänomen auf den Prüfstand gehoben.
In dieser Arbeit präsentiert Justyna Nedza die erste umfassende Analyse der theologisch aufgeladenen Rechtspraxis des „Apostasievorwurfs“ ( takfīr) im Milieu des militanten „Salafismus“. Dabei liegt ein besonderer Fokus auf der rechtlichen Begründung von gewaltsamen Widerstand ( ǧihād) gegen staatliche Organe in muslimischen Mehrheitsgesellschaften, sowie die hiermit verbundene Ausweitung dieses Rechtsmittels vom Individuum auf Kollektive. Anhand der komparatistischen Untersuchung der Schriften von vier ausgewählten Autoren aus Ägypten und Saudi-Arabien zeigt Nedza, dass deren divergenter nationaler Kontext eine entscheidende Rolle sowohl für ihre jeweiligen textlichen Referenzrahmen als auch ihre entsprechenden Schlussfolgerungen spielt. Damit wird die bisher weithin akzeptierte These vom “Salafismus” als global einheitlichem Phänomen auf den Prüfstand gehoben.
Der Staat als Feind
With this work, Justyna Nedza presents the first comprehensive analysis of the theologically charged legal practice of “declaring someone an unbeliever” (
takfir) in militant Salafist thought. Her investigation zooms in on the role of
takfir in the formal legitimization of militant
jihad against government institutions. Investigating both the Egyptian and Saudi Arabian case, Nedza demonstrates the importance of the regional context in shaping consistent legal arguments for the legitimacy of
takfir of collectives. The careful analysis of the arguments of four selected militant Salafist authors brings out that this contextuality plays also a decisive role for the respective textual references, as well as shaping the conclusions drawn by the Egyptian and Saudi Arabian authors, respectively.
In dieser Arbeit präsentiert Justyna Nedza die erste umfassende Analyse der theologisch aufgeladenen Rechtspraxis des „Apostasievorwurfs“ ( takfīr) im Milieu des militanten „Salafismus“. Dabei liegt ein besonderer Fokus auf der rechtlichen Begründung von gewaltsamen Widerstand ( ǧihād) gegen staatliche Organe in muslimischen Mehrheitsgesellschaften, sowie die hiermit verbundene Ausweitung dieses Rechtsmittels vom Individuum auf Kollektive. Anhand der komparatistischen Untersuchung der Schriften von vier ausgewählten Autoren aus Ägypten und Saudi-Arabien zeigt Nedza, dass deren divergenter nationaler Kontext eine entscheidende Rolle sowohl für ihre jeweiligen textlichen Referenzrahmen als auch ihre entsprechenden Schlussfolgerungen spielt. Damit wird die bisher weithin akzeptierte These vom “Salafismus” als global einheitlichem Phänomen auf den Prüfstand gehoben.
In dieser Arbeit präsentiert Justyna Nedza die erste umfassende Analyse der theologisch aufgeladenen Rechtspraxis des „Apostasievorwurfs“ ( takfīr) im Milieu des militanten „Salafismus“. Dabei liegt ein besonderer Fokus auf der rechtlichen Begründung von gewaltsamen Widerstand ( ǧihād) gegen staatliche Organe in muslimischen Mehrheitsgesellschaften, sowie die hiermit verbundene Ausweitung dieses Rechtsmittels vom Individuum auf Kollektive. Anhand der komparatistischen Untersuchung der Schriften von vier ausgewählten Autoren aus Ägypten und Saudi-Arabien zeigt Nedza, dass deren divergenter nationaler Kontext eine entscheidende Rolle sowohl für ihre jeweiligen textlichen Referenzrahmen als auch ihre entsprechenden Schlussfolgerungen spielt. Damit wird die bisher weithin akzeptierte These vom “Salafismus” als global einheitlichem Phänomen auf den Prüfstand gehoben.
The third in a new series, the Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World (CAIW), this title draws on the resources of Cambridge-based World of Information, which since 1975 has followed the politics and economics of the region. Kuwait’s documented history begins in the mid-19th Century. Its location established it as an important entrepôt at the head of the Arabian Gulf. Notionally under Ottoman rule, it became a de facto protectorate of Great Britain. The discovery of oil changed Kuwait beyond recognition. It gained full independence in 1971 and was long considered the most developed state in the Gulf. Coveted by Iraq, it was invaded in 1990. It also played a part in the2003 invasion of Iraq.
The third in a new series, the Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World (CAIW), this title draws on the resources of Cambridge-based World of Information, which since 1975 has followed the politics and economics of the region. Kuwait’s documented history begins in the mid-19th Century. Its location established it as an important entrepôt at the head of the Arabian Gulf. Notionally under Ottoman rule, it became a de facto protectorate of Great Britain. The discovery of oil changed Kuwait beyond recognition. It gained full independence in 1971 and was long considered the most developed state in the Gulf. Coveted by Iraq, it was invaded in 1990. It also played a part in the2003 invasion of Iraq.
Finland, Greece, Ireland and Portugal
Series:
Muslim Minorities, Volume: 32
This volume focuses on Muslims in Finland, Greece, Ireland and Portugal, representing the four corners of the European Union today. It highlights how Muslim experiences can be understood in relation to a country’s particular historical routes, political economies, colonial and post-colonial legacies, as well as other factors, such as church-state relations, the role of secularism(s), and urbanisation. This volume also reveals the incongruous nature of the fact that national particularities shaping European Muslim experiences cannot be understood independently of European and indeed global dynamics. This makes it even more important to consider every national context when analysing patterns in European Islam, especially those that have yet to be fully elaborated. The chapters in this volume demonstrate the contradictory dynamics of European Muslim contexts that are simultaneously distinct yet similar to the now familiar ones of Western Europe’s most populous countries.
Finland, Greece, Ireland and Portugal
Series:
Muslim Minorities, Volume: 32
This volume focuses on Muslims in Finland, Greece, Ireland and Portugal, representing the four corners of the European Union today. It highlights how Muslim experiences can be understood in relation to a country’s particular historical routes, political economies, colonial and post-colonial legacies, as well as other factors, such as church-state relations, the role of secularism(s), and urbanisation. This volume also reveals the incongruous nature of the fact that national particularities shaping European Muslim experiences cannot be understood independently of European and indeed global dynamics. This makes it even more important to consider every national context when analysing patterns in European Islam, especially those that have yet to be fully elaborated. The chapters in this volume demonstrate the contradictory dynamics of European Muslim contexts that are simultaneously distinct yet similar to the now familiar ones of Western Europe’s most populous countries.
The second volume in a new series, the Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World (CAIW), this title draws on the resources of World of Information, a Cambridge-based British publisher that since 1975 has published analyses of the politics and economics of all the Middle East countries.
The United Arab Emirates is a young country. This title covers the first four decades or so of the country’s existence looking at the individual emirates, their rulers and their tribes. Rivalries occasionally became conflicts, but year by year differences have diminished and unity prevailed. In this title each annual overview gives a comprehensive picture.
The United Arab Emirates is a young country. This title covers the first four decades or so of the country’s existence looking at the individual emirates, their rulers and their tribes. Rivalries occasionally became conflicts, but year by year differences have diminished and unity prevailed. In this title each annual overview gives a comprehensive picture.
The second volume in a new series, the Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World (CAIW), this title draws on the resources of World of Information, a Cambridge-based British publisher that since 1975 has published analyses of the politics and economics of all the Middle East countries.
The United Arab Emirates is a young country. This title covers the first four decades or so of the country’s existence looking at the individual emirates, their rulers and their tribes. Rivalries occasionally became conflicts, but year by year differences have diminished and unity prevailed. In this title each annual overview gives a comprehensive picture.
The United Arab Emirates is a young country. This title covers the first four decades or so of the country’s existence looking at the individual emirates, their rulers and their tribes. Rivalries occasionally became conflicts, but year by year differences have diminished and unity prevailed. In this title each annual overview gives a comprehensive picture.
Volume Editor:
Barry Steiner
The essays in this book, originally published in a special issue of the journal
International Negotiation (vol. 23.1, 2018), are intended to enhance America's ability to mediate Israel-Palestine conflict. Every American president for the last thirty years, down to Donald Trump, has chosen to engage in this effort. To help understand and evaluate these efforts, and to focus upon the more promising mediation directions, these essays analyze mediation options in detail.
I. William Zartman accentuates special challenges of third party mediation. Amira Schiff critiques John Kerry’s mediation effort made on behalf of the Obama Administration. Galia Golan outlines mediation requirements in light of past American mediation efforts. Walid Salem suggests a new paradigm centered upon symmetry rather than asymmetry to assist Israel-Palestine peacemaking. And Barry Steiner studies a specific mediation action proposal.
I. William Zartman accentuates special challenges of third party mediation. Amira Schiff critiques John Kerry’s mediation effort made on behalf of the Obama Administration. Galia Golan outlines mediation requirements in light of past American mediation efforts. Walid Salem suggests a new paradigm centered upon symmetry rather than asymmetry to assist Israel-Palestine peacemaking. And Barry Steiner studies a specific mediation action proposal.
Volume Editor:
Barry Steiner
The essays in this book, originally published in a special issue of the journal
International Negotiation (vol. 23.1, 2018), are intended to enhance America's ability to mediate Israel-Palestine conflict. Every American president for the last thirty years, down to Donald Trump, has chosen to engage in this effort. To help understand and evaluate these efforts, and to focus upon the more promising mediation directions, these essays analyze mediation options in detail.
I. William Zartman accentuates special challenges of third party mediation. Amira Schiff critiques John Kerry’s mediation effort made on behalf of the Obama Administration. Galia Golan outlines mediation requirements in light of past American mediation efforts. Walid Salem suggests a new paradigm centered upon symmetry rather than asymmetry to assist Israel-Palestine peacemaking. And Barry Steiner studies a specific mediation action proposal.
I. William Zartman accentuates special challenges of third party mediation. Amira Schiff critiques John Kerry’s mediation effort made on behalf of the Obama Administration. Galia Golan outlines mediation requirements in light of past American mediation efforts. Walid Salem suggests a new paradigm centered upon symmetry rather than asymmetry to assist Israel-Palestine peacemaking. And Barry Steiner studies a specific mediation action proposal.
In
A History of Ottoman Political Thought up to the Early Nineteenth Century, Marinos Sariyannis offers a survey of Ottoman political texts, examined in a book-length study for the first time. From the last glimpses of
gazi ideology and the first instances of Persian political philosophy in the fifteenth century until the apologists of Western-style military reform in the early nineteenth century, the author studies a multitude of theories and views, focusing on an identification of ideological trends rather than a simple enumeration of texts and authors. At the same time, the book offers analytical summaries of texts otherwise difficult to find in English.
In
A History of Ottoman Political Thought up to the Early Nineteenth Century, Marinos Sariyannis offers a survey of Ottoman political texts, examined in a book-length study for the first time. From the last glimpses of
gazi ideology and the first instances of Persian political philosophy in the fifteenth century until the apologists of Western-style military reform in the early nineteenth century, the author studies a multitude of theories and views, focusing on an identification of ideological trends rather than a simple enumeration of texts and authors. At the same time, the book offers analytical summaries of texts otherwise difficult to find in English.
The first of a new series, the
Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World, this title draws on the resources of World of Information, a British publisher that since 1975 has published analyses of the politics and economics of all the Middle East countries.
For decades Syria lay at the heart of Middle Eastern affairs. Under Assad rulers, and sharing a border with Israel, Syria’s fortunes have been complex. Strategic alliances were formed and fell apart. Domestic rebellions were quelled, often violently. Since 2011, Syria has been in the world’s headlines every day, riven by a civil war that has risked bringing the world’s major powers into open conflict.
The CAIW provides an essential background to a complex international problem.
For decades Syria lay at the heart of Middle Eastern affairs. Under Assad rulers, and sharing a border with Israel, Syria’s fortunes have been complex. Strategic alliances were formed and fell apart. Domestic rebellions were quelled, often violently. Since 2011, Syria has been in the world’s headlines every day, riven by a civil war that has risked bringing the world’s major powers into open conflict.
The CAIW provides an essential background to a complex international problem.
The first of a new series, the
Contemporary Archive of the Islamic World, this title draws on the resources of World of Information, a British publisher that since 1975 has published analyses of the politics and economics of all the Middle East countries.
For decades Syria lay at the heart of Middle Eastern affairs. Under Assad rulers, and sharing a border with Israel, Syria’s fortunes have been complex. Strategic alliances were formed and fell apart. Domestic rebellions were quelled, often violently. Since 2011, Syria has been in the world’s headlines every day, riven by a civil war that has risked bringing the world’s major powers into open conflict.
The CAIW provides an essential background to a complex international problem.
For decades Syria lay at the heart of Middle Eastern affairs. Under Assad rulers, and sharing a border with Israel, Syria’s fortunes have been complex. Strategic alliances were formed and fell apart. Domestic rebellions were quelled, often violently. Since 2011, Syria has been in the world’s headlines every day, riven by a civil war that has risked bringing the world’s major powers into open conflict.
The CAIW provides an essential background to a complex international problem.